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Hereward and Flanders

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 September 2008

Elisabeth Van Houts
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Extract

Hereward ‘the Wake’ is renowned as one of the leaders of the English resistance to the Normans in the late 1060s and early 1070s. His involvement in the resistance is noted by all main sources, even though the extent to which he was responsible for actions in Ely and Peterborough remains to be elucidated. He is listed as a pre-Conquest Lincolnshire landholder and tenant in Domesday Book, which is the only contemporary source to mention, but not date, his outlawry. Hereward's career as an outlaw is shrouded in mystery, due to the lack of detail in contemporary sources and also to the rise of stories incorporated in the Gesta Herewardi (The Deeds of Hereward), written in the twelfth century, which claim that he went as a mercenary to Cornwall, Ireland and Flanders. Two sections of the Gesta Herewardi are devoted to his exploits in the county of Flanders, and there is a curious third passage describing his relationship to Gilbert of Gent, the richest post-Conquest Flemish settler in England, who is said to have been Hereward's godfather. The purpose of this article is to take a fresh look at these passages and to assess them in the light of sources written on the Continent which seemingly confirm the Gesta sections on Flanders.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anglo-Saxon England , Volume 28 , December 1999 , pp. 201 - 223
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1999

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References

1 The Gesta Herewardi as a narrative representing English ethnic awareness and pride of the English warfare is the topic of an important forthcoming study by Hugh Thomas, who most kindly allowed me to read his article in advance of publication (Thomas, H. M., ‘The Gesta Herewardi, the English and their Conquerors’, ANS 21 (1998), pp. 213–32Google Scholar). The relevant sources are: Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel, ed. Earle, J. and Plummer, C., 2 vols. (Oxford, 1892–1899) I, 204–5, 208Google Scholar = Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ‘DE’, s.a. 1070 [Hereward at Peterborough] and 1071 [Hereward at Ely and his escape]; The Chronicle of John of Worcester, ed. Darlington, R. R. and McGurk, P., trans. Bray, J. and McGurk, P., 2 vols. [II–III] (Oxford, 1995–8) III, 20–1 [Hereward at Ely and escape]Google Scholar; Willelmi Malmesbiriensis de gestis pontificum Anglorum, ed. Hamilton, N. E. S. A., RS (London, 1870), p. 420 [Hereward at Peterborough]Google Scholar; Henry Archdeacon of Huntingdon, Historia Anglorum, The History of the English People, ed. Greenway, D. E. (Oxford, 1996), pp. 396–8 [Hereward at Ely and escape]Google Scholar; L'Estoire des Engleis by Geffrei Gaimar, ed. Bell, A., Anglo-Norman Texts 14–16 (Oxford, 1960), lines 5460–5506, pp. 173–81 [Hereward at Peterborough and Ely]Google Scholar; The Chronicle of Hugh Candidas, ed. Mellows, W. T. (Oxford, 1949), pp. 77–9 and 81 [Hereward at Peterborough and Ely].Google Scholar

2 Domesday Book seu Liber Censualis Wilhelmi primi regis Angliae, ed. Farley, A., 2 vols. (London, 1783)Google Scholar [hereafter DB], fols. 346r, 364v, 376v, 377r and 377v, where he occurs as pre-Conquest landholder of Laughton, Rippingale and Witham (Lincs.) which he held respectively with one Toli, from Crowland Abbey and from Peterborough. Two of the entries (376v and 377v) explicidy mention his outlawry, which is not dated. The Pseudo-Ingulf's history of Crowland Abbey dates the outlawry to 1062 (Historia Ingulphi in Rerum Anglicarum scriptorum veterum Tom. I, ed. Fulman, W. (Oxford, 1684), pp. 1–107, at 67Google Scholar). For discussions of Hereward's origin and status, see Hayward, J., ‘Hereward the Outlaw’, JMH 14 (1988), 293–304Google Scholar; Hart, C., ‘Hereward the Wake and his Companions’, in his The Danelaw (London, 1992), pp. 625–48Google Scholar; King, E., ‘The Origins of the Wake Family’, Northamptonshire Past and Present 5 (1975), 167–77Google Scholar; Roffe, D., ‘Hereward the Wake and the Barony of Bourne: a Reassessment of a Fenland Legend’, Lincolnshire Hist. and Archaeol. 29 (1994), 7–10Google Scholar; and Williams, A., The English and the Norman Conquest (Woodbridge, 1995), pp. 49–50 and n. 24.Google Scholar

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6 This date (Liber Eliensis, ed. Blake, , p. xxxivGoogle Scholar) is consistent with the references in the Flemish sections of the Gesta to the counts of Guines and Warenne. Count Menasses is called ‘Menasses the Old of Guînes’ to distinguish him from his grandson Manasses II or Robert (1091-c. 1137) (see below, pp. 211–12, n. 51), while William I of Warenne (d. after 1088) is called ‘the old count William of Warenne’, contrasting him with his son of the same name who was count from c. 1088 to 1138 (Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, W. and Clay, C. T., 12 vols. (Edinburgh, 1914–1965) VIII, 7–12Google Scholar and Lewis, C. P., ‘The Earldom of Surrey and the Date of Domesday Book’, Hist. Research 63 (1990), 329–36).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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19 Ibid. p. 364.

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33 Unaware of the existence of the Gesta Heremardi, Verlinden (Robert I le Frison, p. 34Google Scholar) suggested a dater.c. 1083, rejecting earlier suggestions for a date between 1061 and 1063.

34 Les Annales de Saint-Piere de Gand et de Saint-Amand, ed. Grierson, P. (Brussels, 1937), p. 27Google Scholar: ‘Rodbertus, Baldwini potentissimi iunior filius, Fresiam subintrat.’ For the most recent discussion of the matter, see Nip, , Arnulfus van Oudenburg, pp. 115–17. 208Google Scholar

35 Lampert von Hersfeld, Annalen, ed. Schmidt, A. and Fritz, W. D., Ausgewählte Quellen zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters, Freiherr vom Stein Gedächtnisausgabe 13 (Berlin, 1960), 138Google Scholar: ‘… in Fresiam, quae confinis est Flandriae, cui Thidericus quondam comes et post hunc Florentius frater eius imperaverat, irruptionem fecit. Bis ibi commisso prelio victus et fugatus est’ (‘… he [Robert] attacked Frisia, the neighbour of Flanders, which was ruled first by Thierry [IV 1039–49] and later by Florence [I 1049–61]. Twice he launched a war there but was beaten and put to flight’). See Nip, , Arnulfus van Oudenburg, pp. 116–17.Google Scholar

36 Huizinga, , ‘Scaldemariland’, p. 561.Google Scholar This date is also accepted by Blok, , ‘Holland und Westfriesland’, p. 357.Google Scholar For Count Baldwin VI's presence in Ponthieu in the (early) autumn, see below, p. 218, n. 80.

37 Huyghebaert, N., ‘Un moine hagiographe: Drogon de Bergues’, Sacris Erudiri 20 (1971), 191–256, at 211.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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45 MGH Dipl. reg. et imp., 6 III, no. 147a (pp. 720–2, at 722). This is the first occasion that the charter has been printed in full with a witness list. It had been known to historians since the eighteenth century but only in an abbreviated form without witnesses; see, e.g., Gallia Christiana, ed. Sainte-Marthe, D. de, 13 vols. (Paris 1715–1785) III, cols. 118–19.Google Scholar

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47 Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, ed. Bethmann, L., MGH SS 7 (Hanover, 1846), 489–97Google Scholar; Chronicon s. Andreae castri Cameracesii, ibid. 526–50, at 536–7 and the Vita Lietberti, ibid. 537, n. 25 (excerpts from the otherwise unpublished Vita Lietberti are printed in footnotes to the Chronicon s. Andreae). For a commentary on Bishop Lietbert's career and his fortification work, see Rouche, M., ‘Cambrai, du comte mérovingien à l'évêque impérial’, Histoire de Cambrai, ed. Trenard, L. (Lille, 1982), pp. 11–42, at 33–5 and 37–8Google Scholar; see also the reconstructed drawing of Cambrai in Bishop Lietbert's time, ibid. p. 25.

48 Gesta episcoporum Cameracensium, p. 499:Google Scholar …. fugatum Hugonem recepit Anglia (‘… England welcomed the fugitive Hugh’).

49 For the bishop's troops of equites and pedites as well as milites, see ibid. p. 495. In 1077, shortly after Bishop Lietbert's death under his successor Bishop Gerard II (1076–92), Cambrai established a ‘commune’ (Platelle, H., ‘Les luttes communales et l'organisation municipale (1075–1313)’, Histoire de Cambrai, ed. Trenard, pp. 43–61, at 45–8).Google Scholar

50 Morlet, M. T., Les Noms de personne sur le territoire de l'ancienne Gaule du Vie au XIIe siècle. I: Les noms issus du germanique continental et les créations gallo-germaniques (Paris, 1968), pp. 124 and 127.Google Scholar

51 For the counts of Guînes, see Vanderkindere, L., Histoire de la formation territoriale des principautés belges au Moyen Age, 2nd ed., 2 vols. (Brussels, 1899–1902) I, 186–7Google Scholar; Manasses I witnessed the 1056 charter of Count Baldwin V of Flanders for St Peter at Gent which was also witnessed by Guy, later bishop of Amiens, Count Guy of Ponthieu, Count Roger of Saint-Pol and Earl Harold of Wessex (see Grierson, , ‘The Relations between England and Flanders’, pp. 100–1Google Scholar; Tanner, H. J., ‘The Expansion of the Power and Influence of the Counts of Boulogne under Eustace II’, ANS 14 (1991), 251–86, at 269, n. 40).Google Scholar Count Baldwin of Guînes' earliest attestation comes in a charter of King Philip I of France issued at Corbie, which can be dated to a time after 4 August 1065 (Recueil des actes de Philippe I roi de France (1059–1108), ed. Prou, M. (Paris, 1908), no. xxiii, p. 66Google Scholar). For Count Manasses II, see Actes des comtes de Flandre 1071–1128, ed. Vercauteren, F. (Brussels, 1938), nos. 13, 17, 21, 41, 90 and 122Google Scholar; his earliest appearance as count seems to have been in 1091 (Les Charles de Saint Bertin, ed. Haigneré, D., 4 vols. (Saint-Omer, 1886–1899) I, no. 87, p. 34).Google Scholar In Vercauteren, no. 122, dated to 1122×1127, he is mentioned as Count Baldwin's successor. Lambert of Ardres in his Historia comitum Ghisnensium (ed. Heller, I., MGH SS 24 (Hanover, 1879), 550–642) does not mention Manasses I.Google Scholar

52 Gesta Herewardi, p. 356Google Scholar: ‘certamina sollempniarum quae apud Pontes iam et Pictavem fiunt’ [this text is quoted from the manuscript] (‘festive competitions, which then took place at Bruges and Poitiers’). Parisse, M., ‘Le tournoi en France des origines à la fin du XIIIe siècle’, Das ritterliche Turnier im Mittelalter. Beiträge zu einer vergleichenden Formen- und Verhaltensgeschichte des Rittertums, ed. Fleckenstein, J. (Göttingen, 1985), pp. 175–211, at 180–2Google Scholar; Platelle, H., ‘L' essor des principautés’, Histoire des provinces françaises du nord, ed. Lottin, A., 2 vols. (Dunkirk, 1989) II, 1–115 at 36–7.Google Scholar

53 Perhaps Count Baldwin VI of Flanders (1067–70), who was also Baldwin I of Hainault (1051–70) or, more likely, his son Baldwin, who became Baldwin II of Hainault (1076/81–98).

54 The lord, vidame, of Picquigny at this time was Arnulf, father of Wermund of Picquigny who acted alongside Count Charles the Good of Flanders as judge in 1122 (Actes des comtes de Flandre, ed. Vercauteren, . no. 108Google Scholar). In 1113 Arnulf's daughter, wife of Judhael of Totnes, was delighted to welcome at her house in Barnstaple the monks of Laon on their relic trip and to entertain them for three days on account of the fact that they were compatriots (Hermanni monachi de miraculis S. Mariae Laudunensis, PL 156, cols. 961–1018, at 983–4). For Judhael, see Williams, J. B., ‘Judhael of Totnes: the Life and Times of a Post-Conquest Baron’, ANS 16 (1993), 271–89, at 284–5.Google Scholar Another of Arnulf's daughters, Millesende, was married to William II, castellan of Saint-Omer. After the conquest in 1066 Ansculf of Picquigny became sheriff (DB i, fols. 36r and 148v: Ansculf of Picquigny and his son William).

55 Henry II of Louvain had two sons: Henry III (1079–95) and Godfrey the Bearded (1096–1139; from 1106 duke of Lower Lotharingia). Adeliza was a daughter of the latter (The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, M., 6 vols. (Oxford, 1969–1980) VI, 308).Google Scholar

56 For a discussion of the rivalries there, see Ganshof, , La Flandres, pp. 36–7.Google Scholar

57 The classic study of relations between Flanders and England remains Grierson, ‘The Relations between England and Flanders’; see also Ortenberg, V., The English Church and the Continent in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries. Cultural, Spiritual and Artistic Exchanges (Oxford, 1992), pp. 21–40.Google Scholar

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59 The Life of King Edward, ed. Barlow, , pp. xlvii–xlix.Google Scholar

60 Ibid. pp. lii–lvii; The Heads of Religious Houses, England and Wales, 940–1216, ed. Knowles, D., Brooke, C. N. L. and London, V. C. M. (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 42 and 74.Google Scholar

61 The Life of King Edward, ed. Barlow, , p. 140.Google Scholar

62 Ibid. pp. 80–3, at 82.

63 Warlop, E., The Flemish Nobility before 1300, trans. Ross, J. B. and Vandermoere, H., 4 vols. (Kortrijk, 1975) IV, 1106–16, at 1111Google Scholar and Verlinden, , Robert I le Frison, pp. 68–70.Google Scholar At Cassel, Wulfric was involved in the capture of Robert the Frisian. Two weeks later he betrayed Saint-Omer to King Philip I, enabling the latter to launch a vengeful attack on the town. As the castellan of Saint-Omer he disappears from the Flemish sources after March 1071 and his subsequent history is unknown. It is, however, possible that he, like Hugh of Cambrai five years later, may have gone to England.

64 See above, n. 62.

65 For Tostig's claim, see The Life of King Edward, ed. Barlow, , p. lxvGoogle Scholar; van Houts, E. M. C., ‘The Norman Conquest through European Eyes’, EHR 110 (1995), 832–53, at 838–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

66 Round, J. H., Feudal England; Historical Studies on the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (London, 1895), p. 162Google Scholar argues that the exile was caused by Hereward's involvement in the siege of Ely, and postdates it to a time after the Norman Conquest. The Pseudo-Ingulf (see above, p. 201, n. 2) dates Hereward's exile to 1062, but gives no reasons for this date.

67 The best modern study of the Gent family in England is Abbott, M., ‘The Gand Family in England 1066–1191’ (unpubl. Ph.D. dissertation, Cambridge Univ., 1973).Google Scholar Otherwise the following are useful: Sherman, R. M., ‘The Continental Origins of the Ghent Family of Lincolnshire’, Nottingham Med. Stud. 22 (1978), 23–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; George, R. H., ‘The Contribution of Flanders to the Conquest of England, 1065–86’, Revue belge d'histoire et de philologie 5 (1926), 81–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; J. Verberckmoes, ‘Flemish Tenants-in-Chief in Domesday England’, ibid. 66 (1988), 725–99; Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, II (Edinburgh, 1915), pp. 431–6.Google Scholar For the Flemish origins of the Aalst family and its later branches, see Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility III, 587–3.Google Scholar Dr Warlop, unfortunately, did not use any English source material on the family. None of the authors cited used the Gesta Herewardi.

68 Simeon of Durham, Historia regum, s.a. 1069, in: Symeonis monachi opera omnia, ed. Arnold, II, 188.Google Scholar

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72 Chronicon monasterii Watinensis, ed. Holder-Egger, O., MGH SS 24 (Hanover, 1883), 169:Google Scholar ‘… Giselbertus, frater Balduini Gandensis, qui ab Anglia tune venerat …’ (‘Gilbert, brother of Baldwin of Gent, who then came from England’).

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75 The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, IV, 230–1.Google Scholar

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79 Schmidt, P. G., ‘Biblisches und hagiographisches Kolorit in den Gesta Herewardi’, The Bible in the Medieval World. Essays in Memory of Beryl Smalley, ed. Walsh, K. and Wood, D., Studies in Church History, Subsidia 4 (Oxford, 1985), 85–95, at 91–2.Google Scholar

80 Ibid. p. 45 and Recueil des actes des comtes de Ponthieu (1026–1279), ed. Brunel, C. (Paris, 1930)Google Scholar, no. iv. The date raises the possibility that Frederick had come back from England to Flanders with his brother Gerbod; see below, p. 219, n. 91.

81 DB i, 196v and ii, 167v.

82 Chronica monasterii de Hida juxta Wintoniam, in Liber monasterii de Hyda, ed. Edwards, E., RS (London, 1866), pp. 183–321, at 295.Google Scholar

83 Ibid. p. 299.

84 Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, and Clay, VIII [Appendix A], pp. 45–6.Google ScholarLes Chartes de Saint-Bertin, ed. Haigneré, I, nos. 87, 94, 325 and 365.Google Scholar By the beginning of the thirteenth century Lambert of Ardres knew of land in the county of Ardres-Guînes as belonging to the count of Warenne, but thought, erroneously, that the holdings dated back to the late tenth century (Historia comitum Ghisnensium, ed. Heller, , p. 566Google Scholar: ‘predia in manus Warennensis comitis’ (‘lands in the hand of the count of Warenne’)).

85 Early Yorkshire Charters, ed. Farrer, and Clay, VIII, 1–13 and Appendix A (pp. 40–6).Google Scholar

86 Lewis, C. P., ‘The Formation of the Honor of Chester 1066–1100’, The Earldom of Chester and its Charters. A Tribute to Geoffrey Barraclough, ed. Thacker, A. T., Jnl of the Chester Archaeol. Soc. 71 (Chester, 1991), 37–68, esp. 38–40.Google Scholar

87 The Ecclesiastical History of Ordern Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, II, 260.Google Scholar

88 La Chronique de Saint-Hubert dite Cantatorium, ed. Hanquet, K. (Brussels, 1906), pp. 65–9Google Scholar; La Chronique de Gislebert de Mons, ed. Vanderkindere, L. (Brussels, 1904), pp. 8–10.Google Scholar The identification of this Gerbod with Gerbod of Saint-Omer can be found in Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility IV, 1024Google Scholar and Lewis, , ‘The Formation’, p. 39, n. 16.Google Scholar

89 Gerbod's presence at Cluny may well explain, as Lewis, C. (‘The Formation’, p. 40)Google Scholar has pointed out, why Gundreda, now the only sibling left, and her husband William of Warenne, were so generous to Cluny.

90 Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility IV, 1021–4Google Scholar and Lewis, , ‘The Formation’, pp. 38–40.Google Scholar

91 Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility I, 51–2.Google Scholar We should note that Arnulf/Arnold II's death in 1067 may have necessitated Gerbod II's brief return to Flanders, for in that year he witnessed a charter as advocate of Saint-Bertin (Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility II, 382, n. 249).Google Scholar

92 Liber miraculorum sancti Bavonis, ed. Holder-Egger, O., MGH SS 15.1 (Hanover, 1887), 598–9.Google Scholar

93 Les chartes de Saint Bertin, ed. Haigneré, I, no. 85.Google Scholar

94 Ibid. no. 96; Warlop, , The Flemish Nobility I, 51.Google Scholar

95 Loyd, L. C., The Origins of some Anglo-Norman Families, ed. Clay, C. T. and Douglas, D. C. (Leeds, 1951), p. 92Google Scholar discusses the Norman Saint-Valéry evidence and suggests that the Ranulf of Saint-Valéry mentioned in Domesday Book as an under-tenant of the bishop of Lincoln came from the Pays-de-Caux. This leaves open the possibility that to the Ponthieu family belong the men carrying the names Bernard (Gallia Christiana 11, Instrumenta, cols. 19–20, dated 1096; Regesta Regum Anglo-Normannorum 1066–1154, ed. Davis, H. W. C. et al. , 4 vols. (Oxford, 1913–1969) II, no. 1379, dated between 1107 and 1122;Google ScholarGreen, J., The Government of England under Henry I (Cambridge, 1986), p. 234)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Reginald (spurious charter dated 1106, Regesta II, no. 797). From 1144 onwards there is a series of regular charters proving that Reginald (c. 1144-c. 1164) was the father of Bernard (still alive in 1190), see Calendar of Documents, nos. 12, 23, 44, 57, 790, 1057,1077, 1084–5, 1360 and 1364.

96 Although it would give added weight to my suggestion (see above, p. 214, n. 63) that in spring 1071 the disgraced Wulfric might have fled from Flanders to England to join, in this hypothesis, his daughter and son-in-law or his sister and brother-in-law.

97 Gesta Herewardi, pp. 397–8Google Scholar; L'Estoire des Engleis, ed. Bell, , line 5592, p. 177.Google Scholar

98 Historia Ingulphi, ed. Fulman, , pp. 67–8.Google Scholar

99 DB, i, 377v; Raban, S., The Estates of Thorney and Crowland (Cambridge, 1977), p. 19.Google Scholar

100 Symeonis monachi opera omnia, ed. Arnold, I, 215–20 and II, 199Google Scholar; see also Searle, W. G., Ingulf and the Historia Croylandensis (Cambridge, 1894), p. 94.Google Scholar

101 The Scots Peerage, ed. SirPaul, J. Balfour, 9 vols. (Edinburgh, 1904–1914) III, 241–6.Google Scholar

102 The Ecclesiastical History of Orderic Vttalis, ed. Chibnall, II, 350Google Scholar; Orderic was exceptionally well informed about Crowland, which he visited at least once, probably in 1114–15 (ibid. pp. xxiv–xxix), and therefore I see no reason to share the doubt cast on Waltheof of Crowland's identification by the editor of The Scots Peerage III, 243.Google Scholar

103 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, ‘E’, s.a. 1092, ed. Plummer, I, 227.Google Scholar

104 The Scots Peerage III, 246.Google Scholar

105 Historia Ingulphi, ed. Fulman, , pp. 67–8.Google Scholar For a discussion of Turfrida's descendants, see Round, , Feudal England, pp. 132–6Google Scholar, who ultimately rejects the veracity of the Crowland tradition. It should be pointed out, however, that despite the late date of the Crowland chronicle its fifteenth-century compiler had access to genuine eleventh- and twelfth-century documents now lost; see Roffe, D., ‘The Historia Croylandensis: a Plea for a Re-Assessment’, EHR 110 (1995), 93–108.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

106 For Hugh of Envermeu, see The Ecclesiastical History of Orderit Vitalis, ed. Chibnall, V, 210–11Google Scholar and Regesta II, nos. 601, 727, 794–5, 818, 973 and 1577; for Richard of Rullos, see ibid. no. 1592, Loyd, , Origins, p. 86Google Scholar and Round, , Feudal England, p. 165.Google Scholar Richard's brother William, lord of Bourne at the time of Henry I who died without offspring, appears in Regesta II, nos. 1031, 1098 and 1187. Richard of Rullos's daughter Adelina married Baldwin FitzGilbert of Clare, who became lord of Bourne ‘iure uxoris’. For daughters as the likely missing link in the descent of Bourne from Hereward to Baldwin FitzGilbert, see Roffe, , ‘Hereward “the Wake”’, pp. 7–10.Google Scholar

107 Schmidt, , ‘Biblisches und hagiographisches Kolorit’, pp. 94–5.Google Scholar

108 L'Estoire des Engleis, lines 6495–6501 and 6504–6511, ed. Bell, , pp. 205–6.Google Scholar I am most grateful to Ian Short for allowing me to use his unpublished translation of Gaimar's text. The Gesta Herewardi's likely early-twelfth-century date turns it into a significant source of medieval attitudes to knighthood. The striking story of Hereward's knighting as well as the author's comments on differences between English (Anglo-Norman) and French customs has never been taken into account in scholarly discussions of knighthood (Fiori, J., L'idéologie du glaive; préhistoire de la chevalerie (Geneva, 1983)Google Scholar and L'essor de la chevalerie XIe–XIIe siècles (Geneva, 1986))Google Scholar; Gillingham, J., ‘Thegns and Knights in Eleventh-Century England: Who Was Then the Gentleman’, TRHS, 6th ser. 5 (1995), 129–54Google Scholar; Gillingham, J., ‘Kingship, Chivalry and Love, Political and Cultural Values in the Earliest History Written in French: Gaimar's Estoire des Engleis’, Anglo-Norman Political Culture and the Twelfth-Century Renaissance, ed. Hollister, C. Warren (Woodbridge, 1997), pp. 33–58Google Scholar, where Gaimar's work is rehabilitated, but not the very similar Gesta Herewardi.

109 For the exceptional concentration of female patronage of vernacular (Anglo-Norman) patronage in the Lincolnshire area, see Short, I., ‘Patrons and Polyglots: French Literature in Twelfth-Century England’, ANS 14 (1991), 229–50, at 243–4.Google Scholar

110 In the course of the preparation of this article I have benefited from comments and advice from Judith Everard, Susan Kelly, Renée Nip, Oliver Padel, David Roffe and Ian Short. I am particularly grateful to Simon Keynes for his editorial support and guidance.