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Identifiable books from the pre-Conquest library of Malmesbury Abbey

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 September 2008

Rodney Thomson
Rodney Thomson
Affiliation:
The University of Tasmania
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Extract

The Benedictine abbey at Malmesbury in Wiltshire was one of that select group of English houses which could trace its history back to the golden age epitomized and chronicled by Bede. To Bede's older contemporary Aldhelm (ob. c. 709) belongs most of the credit for setting the recently founded community on its feet and for making it a by-word throughout the British Isles for the pursuit of divine and secular learning.2 During his abbacy Malmesbury eclipsed the reputations of the Irish schools and of Hadrian's Canterbury. At only one other point in its long history did the abbey attain a comparable reputation for learning, when it housed the monk William (c. 1095–1143), whose career, intellectual interests and writings were consciously modelled upon the examples of Bede and Aldhelm.

Type
Research Article
Information
Anglo-Saxon England , Volume 10 , December 1981 , pp. 1 - 19
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1981

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References

1 On the early history of Malmesbury, see Watkin, A., Victoria County History of Wiltshire 111, 230Google Scholar; Knowles, D., Brooke, C. N. L. and London, V., The Heads of Religious Houses, England and Wales 940–1216 (Cambridge, 1972), pp. 54–5Google Scholar; and William, of Malmesbury, De Gestis Pontificunt Anglorum, ed. Hamilton, N. E. S. A., Rolls Ser. (London, 1870), pp. 345–57 and 361–443Google Scholar (henceforth cited as GP).

2 Laistner, M. L. W., Thought and Letters in Western Europe, 2nd ed. (London, 1957), pp. 151–6Google Scholar; James, M. R., Two Ancient English Scholars (Glasgow, 1931), pp. 9–15Google Scholar; Godfrey, C. J., The Church in Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge, 1962), pp. 201–6Google Scholar; Riché, P., Éducation et culture dans l'occident barbare, 2nd ed. (Paris, 1961), pp. 421–6Google Scholar; and Winterbottom, M., ‘Aldhelm's Prose Style and its Origins’, ASE 6 (1977), 39–76Google Scholar. On the dating of Aldhelm's career, see now Lapidge, M. and Herren, M., Aldhelm: the Prose Works (Cambridge, 1979), pp. 1–10.Google Scholar

3 On William, see William, of Malmesbury, De Gestis Regum Anglorum, ed. Stubbs, W., 2 vols., RS (London, 1887–1889) 1, ix–lxv and cxv–cxlvii, and II, xv–cxliiGoogle Scholar, and my ‘William of Malmesbury as Historian and Man of Letters’, JEH 29 (1978), 387–413Google Scholar. For a bibliography, see my ‘The Reading of William of Malmesbury’, RB 85 (1975), 362–94 (henceforth ‘Reading’), at 394–6Google Scholar, and for supplement, see my ‘The Reading of William of Malmesbury; Addenda et Corrigenda’, RB 86 (1976), 327–35, at 334–5Google Scholar. My study of William's, books is completed in ‘The Reading of William of Malmesbury; Further Additions and Reflections’, RB 89 (1979), 313–24.Google Scholar

4 On Bede's, library, see Laistner, M. L. W., ‘The Library of the Venerable Bede’, Bede: his Life, Times and Writings, ed. Thompson, A. H. (Oxford, 1935), pp. 237–66Google Scholar, repr. The Intellectual Heritage of the Early Middle Ages, ed. Starr, C. G. (Cornell, 1957), pp. 117–49Google Scholar, and now Blair, P. Hunter, ‘From Bede to Alcuin’, Famulus Christi, ed. Bonner, G. (London, 1976), pp. 239–60Google Scholar. On Aldhelm's, reading, see Aldbelmi Opera, ed. Ehwald, R., Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auct. Antiq. 15 (Berlin, 1919), 11–537, passimGoogle Scholar; Ogilvy, J. D. A., Books known to the English, 597–1066, Med. Acad. of America Publ. 76 (Cambridge, Mass., 1967)Google Scholar, passim, but esp. under Cicero (Cat. and Verr.), Claudian, Donatus, Gellius, Juvenal, Lucan, Orosius, Ovid, Pcrsius, Phocas, Pliny, Pompeius, Priscian (Inst. de Nom. only), Seneca(?), Servius, Solinus, Suetonius and Terence. But both Ehwald's and Ogilvy's information is to be regarded critically. On both Bede and Aldhelm, see Manitius, M., ‘Zu Aldhelm und Beda’, Sitzungsberichte der pbil.-hist. Klasse der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien 112 (1886), 535–634Google Scholar, also separately ptd (Vienna, 1886), and Roger, M., L'Enseignement des lettres classiques d'Ausone à Alcuin (Paris, 1905), pp. 290–301.Google Scholar

5 James, , Two Ancient English Scholars, pp. 12–14.Google Scholar

6 See below, pp. 3–14.

7 Ker, N. R., Medieval Libraries of Great Britain, 2nd ed. (London, 1964), p. 128Google Scholar. But two, perhaps three, additions can now be made to this; see below, pp. 6–10 and 14.

8 This is true, for instance, of his use of London, British Library, Cotton Tiberius A. xv, a Canterbury book dated c. 1000, of the version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle from Canterbury and of a lost exemplar for the second part of his manuscript of John Scotus Eriugena's Periphyseon; see Thomson, ‘Reading’, pp. 367 and 389–90; and R. M. Thomson, ‘William of Malmesbury and the Letters of Alcuin’, Medievalia et Humanistica n.s. 8 (1977), 147–61.

9 Cf. the remarks by Parkes, M. B., ASE 5 (1976), 170–1.Google Scholar

10 GP, p. 403.

11 Ibid. pp. 396–403. Cf. Alexander, J. J. G., ‘The Benedictional of St Æthelwold and Anglo-Saxon Illumination of the Reform Period’, Tenth-Century Studies. Essays in Commemoration of the Millennium of the Council of Winchester and ‘Regularis Concordia’, ed. Parsons, D. (London and Chichester, 1975), pp. 169–73.Google Scholar

12 Leland, J., De Rebus Britannicis Collectanea, ed. Hearne, T., 2nd ed., 6 vols. (London, 1770–4)Google Scholar iv, 157, and Commentarii de Scriptoribus Britannicis, ed. A. Hall (Oxford, 1709), 1, 100–1.

13 Ed. Huemer, J., Corpus Scriptomm Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum 24 (Berlin, 1891)Google Scholar; see also Dekkers, E. and Gaar, A., Clavis Patrum Latinorum, 2nd ed. (Steenbrugge, 1961), no. 1385.Google Scholar On knowledge of Juvencus in Anglo-Saxon England, see Ogilvy, , Books known to the English, p. 190.Google Scholar

14 Cues, Hospitalbibliothek, 171 (?Insular, s. vii); Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 304 (?Italy, s. viii); Cambridge, University Library, Ff. 4. 42 (Wales, s. ix); London, British Library, Royal 15 A. xvi (continental, s. ix; in England by s. x2); Oxford, Bodleian Library, Barlow 25 (?English, s. x); Paris, Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, 2410 (English, s. x/xi); ULC Gg. 5. 35 (St Augustine's, Canterbury, s. xi med.); and Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 527 (Waverley, s. xiii).

15 Lowe, E. A., Codices Latini Antiquiores, 12 vols. (Oxford, 1934–71) viiiGoogle Scholar, no. 1172; left to the Cues Library by Nicholas of Cues (ob. 1464).

16 CLA II, no. 127; James, M. R., A Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 2 vols. (Cambridge, 1909–12) 11, 101;Google Scholar and Rella, F. A., ‘Continental Manuscripts acquired for English Centres in the Tenth and Early Eleventh Centuries’, Anglia 98 (1980), 107–16, at 110.Google Scholar To Rella's list should be added Oxford, Bodleian Library, Marshall 19 (see below, p. 16).

17 James, M. R., The Ancient Libraries of Canterbury and Dover (Cambridge, 1903), p. 11, no. 152Google Scholar, and cf. pp. xxxii-iii; see also Thoma, H., ‘The Oldest Manuscript of Juvencus’, Classical Rev. 64 (1950), 95–6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

18 Marks survive in this position in CCCC 260, Cambridge, Trinity College B. 14. 3 and R. 15. 22, and New Zealand, Wellington, Turnbull Library 16; and in many other manuscripts not included in the surviving fragment of the twelfth-century catalogue.

19 I am grateful to these two scholars for undertaking this examination on my behalf, when I was in Australia, and to Dr Lapidge for reporting their findings.

20 Bishop, T. A. M., ‘The Corpus Martianus Capella’, Trans. of the Cambridge Bibliographical Soc. iv.4 (1967), 258.Google Scholar

21 BL Cotton Vespasian D. xv, fols. 102–21, and BL Harley 3376; see Bishop, Ibid.

22 Fortunati Opera, ed. Leo, F., MGH, Auct. Antiq. 4.1 (Berlin, 1881), v–xiv.Google Scholar

23 Ogilvy, Books known to the English, p. 140Google Scholar, is now thoroughly superseded by Hunt, R. W., ‘Manuscript Evidence for Knowledge of the Poems of Venantius Fortunatus in Late Anglo-Saxon England’, ASE 8 (1979), 279–95.Google Scholar

24 Thomson, ‘Reading, Additions and Reflections’, p. 317.Google Scholar

25 GP, p. 399.

26 Thomson, R. M., ‘The “Scriptorium” of William of Malmesbury’, Medieval Scribes, Manuscripts and Libraries: Essays presented to Ker, N. R., ed. Parkes, M. B. and Watson, A. G. (London, 1978), pp. 121–3.Google Scholar

27 GP, pp. 398–9.

28 Laistner, M. L. W. and King, H. H., A Hand-List of Bede Manuscripts (Ithaca, N.Y., 1943), pp. 43–4.Google Scholar

29 The suggestion that the manuscript was copied from a Corbie exemplar was made to me by Dr D. Ganz. The manuscript bears the Bury ex-libris of c. 1200 and figures in the earliest part of its composite library catalogue from the second half of the twelfth century.

30 Laistner, and King, , Hand-List, pp. 78–82.Google Scholar

31 Pseudo-Bede, Super Leviticum (Stegmüller, F., Repertorium Biblicum Medii Aevi, 7 vols. (Madrid, 1940–61)Google Scholar, no. 1649).

32 Ehwald, Ed., p. 263Google Scholar (De Virg. Prosa), in the version of Rufinus.

33 Rufinus, , Tie Sentences of Sextus, ed. Chadwick, H., Texts and Stud. n.s. 5 (Cambridge, 1959);Google Scholar repr. Corpus Christianorum Series Latina 20 (Turnhout, 1961), 257–9; see also Clavis, no. 198h. Cambridge, St John's College 168 is from Witham; Cambridge, Sidney Sussex College 94, from York Franciscans. Unassigned are Cambridge, University Library, Add. 584, Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College 351, BL Royal 2 F. ii and London, Lambeth Palace Library, 237.

34 For the Glastonbury catalogue, see Williams, T. W., Somerset Medieval Libraries (Bristol, 1897), p. 63Google Scholar, and, for the manuscripts seen by Leland, see Collectanea 1 v, 6 and; 3.

35 Rella, , ‘Continental Manuscripts’, p. 113Google Scholar, no. 22, and Bishop, T. A. M., English Caroline Minuscule (Oxford, 1971)Google Scholar, no. 3.

36 Stegmüsller, , Repertorium, no. 1085;Google Scholar Migne, Patrologia Latina 100, cols. 515–66; prologue MGH, Epist. 4 (Berlin, 1895), 122 ff. (Ep. 80).Google Scholar

37 MGH, Epist. 7 (Berlin, 1928), 430–4;Google Scholar see Cappuyns, J., Jean Scot Erigène (Brussels, 1933), pp. 150–61Google Scholar and Dondaine, H. F., ‘Le Corpus dionysien de l'université de Paris au XIIIe siècle’, Storia e Lettcratura 44 (1953), esp. 35–66.Google Scholar

38 The earliest known English manuscript, from which all others seem to derive, is Oxford, St John's College 128, from the first quarter of the twelfth century, provenance unknown. Collation with William's quotation suggests that his manuscript too derived from this one. I have examined the St John's College manuscript for a possible Malmesbury connection, but could find no positive evidence. The historiated initial on 9v might assist in localizing the manuscript. It is an O enclosing Christui super aspides, in tinted outline style, the drapery showing ‘nested V-folds’. Later English manuscripts are Cambridge, Trinity College B. 2. 31; Oxford, Bodleian Library, Laud misc. 639, Ashmole 1526 and e Mus. 134.

39 The evidence is set out Thomson, , ‘Reading, Additions and Reflections’, pp. 318–19;Google Scholar cf. Jeauneau, E., ’Guillaume de Malmesbury, premier éditeur anglais du “Periphyseon”’, Sapiential Doctrina, Mélanges de théologie et de littérature médiévales offerts à Dom Hildebrand Bascour (Louvain, 1980), pp. 148–79.Google Scholar

40 Thomson, , ‘The “Scriptorium” ’, pp. 139–41.Google Scholar

41 Thomson, , ‘William of Malmesbury and the Letters of Alcuin’, pp. 147–50.Google Scholar Cf. Ker, , Medieval Libraries, p. 128Google Scholar, identifying Leland's manuscript with Oxford, Bodleian Library, Wood Empt. 5, of the early thirteenth century.

42 See James, , Two Ancient English Scholars, p. 13.Google Scholar The work is ptd PL 68, cols. 15–42; for bibliography, see Clavis, no. 872, and Stegmüller, Repertorium, no. 5328. There is a critical edition by Kihn, H., Theodor von Mopsuestia und Junilius Africanus als Exegeten (Freiburg, 1880), 467–528Google Scholar, based on thirteen manuscripts. Another ten were added by Laistner, M. L. W., ‘Antiochene Exegesis in Western Europe’, Harvard Theol. Rev. 40 (1947), 19–31.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For the dates of the earliest manuscripts, see CLA 11, no. 189 (addition), III, no. 348 (s. viii/ix), and vii, no. 965 (s. vii/viii). Cf. also Avranches, Bibliothèque Municipale, 109 (s. xi), fols. 138–50, Laon, Bibliothèque de la Ville, 273, and Oxford, Bodleian Library, Laud Misc. 159 (Lorsch), ninth-century manuscripts containing Wicbod, Questiones in Octateucbum ex Dictis Sanctorum Patrum Augustini, Ambrosii, Hilarii, Eucherii et Junilii (on which see Contreni, J., The Cathedral School of Laon from 850 to 930 (Munich, 1978), pp. 37–8 and 45).Google Scholar

43 James, , Two Ancient English Scholars, p. 13;Google ScholarLaistner, , ‘Antiochene Exegesis’, pp. 26–7.Google Scholar

44 Ed. Ehwald, pp. 81–2 and n. 1 (De Metris).

45 CLA 11, no. 189.

46 Earlier transcriptions and discussions are now superseded by Chaplais, P., ‘The Letter from Bishop Wealdhere of London to Archbishop Brihtwold of Canterbury’, Medieval Scribes, Manuscripts and Libraries, ed. Parkes and Watson, pp. 3–23.Google Scholar

47 Parkes, M. B., ‘The Handwriting of St Boniface; a Reassessment of the Problems’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literature 98 (1976), 161–79Google Scholar, esp. 177.

48 CLA Suppl., no. 1806.

49 So Dr Parkes informs me.

50 Williams, , Somerset Libraries, p. 75.Google Scholar

51 Smith, T., Catalogus Librorum Manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Cottonianae (London, 1696), p. 21.Google Scholar

52 Lapidge, and Herren, , Aldbelm, pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

53 Goldbacher, A., ‘Liber περìaέρμηνείas qui Apuleii Madaurensis essc traditur’, Wiener Studien 7 (1885), 253–77Google Scholar, and Thomas, P., Apuleii Opera III (Leipzig, 1908), 176–94.Google Scholar

54 James, , Catalogue of Manuscripts in Corpus Christi College 1, 495–8Google Scholar, and Leonardi, C., ‘I Codici di Marziano Capella’, Aevum 34 (1960), 21–2Google Scholar, no. 29. Neither notices the rewritten first recto.

55 Thomson, , ‘Reading, Addenda et Corrigenda’, pp. 328–9.Google Scholar

56 Jeudy, C., ‘Les Manuscrits de l'Ars de Verbo d'Eutych`s et le commentaire de Rémi d'Auxerre’, Études de civilisation médiévale IXe–XIIe siècles: mélanges offerts à E.-R. Labande (Poitiers, 1974), pp. 421–36.Google Scholar

57 Oxford, Bodleian Library, Auct. F. 4. 32; ed. Hunt, R. W., St Dunstan's Classbook from Glastonbury, Umbrae Codicum Occidentalium 4 (Amsterdam, 1961).Google Scholar

58 Leland, , Collectanea iv, 7.Google Scholar

59 Williams, , Somerset Libraries, p. 75;Google Scholar also Leland, , Collectanea iv, 154Google Scholar, though this is Dunstan's book yet again.

60 Ogilvy, , Books known to the English, pp. 137–8.Google Scholar

61 Ed. Ehwald, p. 195 (De Metris); cf. Roger, , L'Enseignement, p. 329Google Scholar, n. 4.

62 James, , Two Ancient English Scholars, p. 20;Google Scholar cf. Thomson, , ‘Reading’, pp. 365–6.Google Scholar The ‘Codex Luganensis’, to which William's text of Tertullian's Apology is related, is now Oxford, Bodleian Library, Lat. theol. d. 34.

63 Tertulliani Opera 1, ed. Dekkers, E. et al. , CCSL 1 (Turnhout, 1954), viiGoogle Scholar and n. 3.

64 Lieftinck, G., ‘Un Fragment de De Spectaculis de Tertullien provenant d'un manuscrit du 9e siècle’, Vigiliae Christianae 5 (1951), 193–203CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. 196, and Dekkers, E., ‘Note sur les fragments récemment découverts de Tertullien’, Sacris Erudiri 4 (1952), 372–83.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

65 Lieftinck, , ‘Fragment’, pp. 198–9Google Scholar, and Dekkers, , ‘Fragments’, pp. 379–82.Google Scholar

66 Novatiani Opera, ed. Diercks, G. F., CCSL 4 (Turnhout, 1972), 3.Google Scholar

67 Dekkers, , ‘Fragments’, p. 381Google Scholar, and Novatiani Opera, ed. Diercks, p. 3.Google Scholar

68 Dekkers, , ‘Fragments’, pp. 374–5Google Scholar, and Novatiani Opera, ed. Diercks, pp. 4–7.Google Scholar

69 Novatiani Opera, ed. Diercks, p. 7.Google Scholar

70 Emden, A. B., A Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, A.D. 1501–1540 (Oxford, 1974), pp. 121–2;Google ScholarDictionary of National Biography iv, 489; Wenkelbach, E., John Clement: ein englischer Humanist und Arzt des sechzehnten Jahrhunderts, Studien zur Geschichte der Medizin 14 (Leipzig, 1925)Google Scholar; Mercati, G., ‘Sopra Giovanni Clement e i suoi Manoscritti’, La Bibliofilia 28 (1926), 81–99Google Scholar, repr. Mercati's, ‘Opere Minori’ iv, Studi e Testi 79 (Rome, 1937), 292–315;Google Scholar and Reed, A. W., ‘John Clement and his Books’, The Library 4th ser. 6 (1926), 329–39.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

71 Reed, , ‘John Clement’, p. 339.Google Scholar But Reed, says that ‘in all instances the books appear to be printed editions unless they are described as written’ (p. 337).Google Scholar

72 Wenkelbach, , John Clement, pp. 17–18 and 55–8Google Scholar and n. 55.

73 Dekkers, , ‘Fragments’, pp. 374–5.Google Scholar

74 Ibid.

75 Delisle, L., Le Cabinet del manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Impériale, 3 vols. (Paris, 1858–81) 11, 428Google Scholar (first catalogue), 428–32 (second) and 432–40 (third). On their dates, see de Merindol, C., La Production dei livres peints à l' Abbaye de Corbie, 3 vols. (Lille, 1976) 1, 70–1.Google Scholar Dr D. Ganz informs me that the titles of works in the second catalogue were taken from tables of contents apparently written in the ninth century.

76 Leland, , Collectanea III, 114–18;Google Scholar and De Scriptoribus, p. 134. See the full discussion of these verse inscriptions by Patrick Sims-Williams, below, pp. 21–38.

77 Lapidge, M., ‘Some Remnants of Bede's Lost “Liber Epigrammatum”’, EHR 90 (1975), 798–820.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

78 Wallach, L., ‘The Urbana Anglo-Saxon Sylloge of Latin Inscriptions’, Poetry and Poetics from Ancient Greece to the Renaissance: Studies in honor of James Hutton, ed. Kirkwood, G. M., Cornell Stud. in Classical Philol. 38 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1975), 134–51Google Scholar, and Schaller, D., ‘Bemerkungen zur Inschriften-Sylloge von Urbana’, Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch 12 (1977), 9–21.Google Scholar

79 The annotations are visible on the photograph reproduced Wallach, ‘Urbana Sylloge’, p. 135. See Sheerin, D., ‘John Leland and Milred of Worcester’, Manuscripta 21 (1977), 172–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and also my ‘William of Malmesbury's Edition of the Liber Pontificals’, Archivum Historiae Pontificiae 17 (1978), 100–4.

80 Lapidge, , ‘Some Remnants’, p. 820Google Scholar, and Thomson, , ‘Reading, Addenda et Corrigenda’, pp. 330–1.Google Scholar

81 James, , Two Ancient English Scholars, pp. 13–14.Google Scholar

82 See also Cook, A. S., ‘Aldhelm's Legal Studies’, JEGP 23 (1924), 105–13.Google Scholar

83 Thomson, , ‘Reading, Addenda et Corrigenda’, pp. 329–30;Google Scholar cf. Thomson, , ’Liber Pontificalis’, pp. 104–5.Google Scholar

84 Above, p. 11; Thomson, , ‘Reading’, p. 366Google Scholar and nn.

85 Three English Tertullian manuscripts are known apart from the copies of William's collection (Oxford, Balliol College 79 and the German Gotha, Forschungsbibliothek, membr. I. 55): Oxford, Bodleian Library, Lat. theol. d. 34 (see above, n. 62); BL Royal 5 F. xviii (c. 1100); and Oxford, Bodleian Library, Add. C. 284 (s. xii). Ogilvy, , Books known to the English, p. 250Google Scholar, produces virtually no evidence for knowledge of Tertullian's works before the Conquest, though to argue from Ogilvy's silence is dangerous.

86 James, , Two Ancient English Scholars, p. 20;Google Scholar Ehwald, p. 197 (De Metris). Lactantius was listed by Alcuin among the authors in the library at York (Ogilvy, , Books known to the English, p. 191).Google Scholar

87 Lactantii Opera I.i, ed. Brandt, S., CSEL 19 (Berlin, 1890), xlvii–liii.Google Scholar The Paris manuscript gives accents and breathings to the Greek passages, a remarkable feature in a twelfth-century western manuscript. They must surely have been present in the archetype and are a fair guarantee of its antiquity.

88 Acta Sanctorum Maii vi, 84–93 (25 05), esp. 87 and GP, p. 344;Google Scholar see Ehwald, R., ‘De Aenigmatibus Aldhelmi et Acrostichis’, Festschrift Albert von Bamberg (Gotha, 1905), pp. 1–26, esp. 13–14.Google Scholar

89 GP, p. 378.

90 For this evidence, sec Thomson, , ‘Reading’, pp. 392–4.Google Scholar

91 Bishop, , ‘The Corpus Martianus Capella’, pp. 267–8Google Scholar, and Thomson, , ‘Reading’, p. 381Google Scholar, and ‘The “Scriptorium”’, pp. 124–5.

92 Above, p. 7; Thomson, , ‘The “Scriptorium”’, pp. 120–1;Google ScholarSummary Catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bodleian Library, no. 5265.

93 Thomson, , ‘The “Scriptorium”’, p. 121;Google ScholarTemple, E., Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts 900–1066 (London, 1976)Google Scholar, no. 48, with bibliography.

94 Ker, N. R., Catalogue of Manuscripts containing Anglo-Saxon (Oxford, 1957)Google Scholar, no. 181.

95 Thomson, , ‘The “Scriptorium”’, p. 121.Google Scholar

96 The attribution is argued in his edition of the Old English Exodus, Methuen's Old Eng. Lib. (London, 1977), pp. 1–6. Cf. Temple, , Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, no. 58.Google Scholar Some of my criticisms of Lucas are also made by Jost, D., Speculum 54 (1979), 829–30.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

97 Dr Temple has been criticized for her tendency, in Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, to attribute a number of manuscripts to the Canterbury scriptoria or libraries on insufficient evidence; see Brownrigg, L., ‘Manuscripts containing English Decoration 871–1066, Catalogued and Illustrated: a Review’, ASE 7 (1978), 258–66.Google Scholar

98 Temple, , Anglo-Saxon Manuscripts, no. 86.Google Scholar

99 Wormald, F., Dodwell, C. R. and Pächt, O., The St Albans Psalter (London, 1960), pp. 165–8;Google ScholarDodwell, C. R., The Great Lambeth Bible (London, 1959), pp. 16–18;Google Scholar and Kauffmann, C. M., Romanesque Manuscripts 1066–1190 (London, 1975), nos. 29–34 and 70–1Google Scholar, and the important review of this book by Stones, A., Speculum 53 (1978), 586–90.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

100 On the correspondences, see now Smith, M. Q., The Sculptures of the South Porch of Malmesbury Abbey (Malmesbury, 1975)Google Scholar, based on, and sometimes correcting, Galbraith, K. J., ‘The Iconography of the Biblical Scenes at Malmesbury Abbey’, JBAA 3rd ser. 28 (1965), 39–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

101 Knowles, , Brooke, and London, , Heads of Religious Houses, p. 33.Google Scholar

102 Lucas ed., Exodus, p. 4, based on the opinion of the late G. Pollard. Interesting details of the manuscript, not affecting the question of its provenance, are given by Lucas, P., ‘On the Incomplete Ending of Daniel and the Addition of Christ and Satan to MS Junius 11’, Anglia 97 (1979), 46–59Google Scholar (the binding is discussed, pp. 50–1).

103 Lucas, ed., Exodus, p. 4.Google Scholar

104 GP, p. 363.

105 On the date of Junius 11, see Brownrigg, , ‘Manuscripts’, p. 255Google Scholar, n. 2. Moreover William says that a beam, miraculously lengthened by Aldhelm, was not harmed by the fires, although since then ‘annis et carie uicta defecit’. This seems to imply a substantial lapse of time between the later fire and William's day.

106 Memorials of St Dunstan, ed. Stubbs, W., RS (London, 1874), p. 70.Google Scholar

107 Pollard, G., ‘Some Anglo-Saxon Bookbindings’, The Book Collector 24 (1975), 130–59Google Scholar, unfortunately not treating Junius 11. Note especially his cautionary comments, p. 137.

108 In the preparation of this article I am beholden to several scholars: Drs N. R. Ker, M. Lapidge and M. B. Parkes read complete drafts of it, and I hope that I have benefited from their criticisms. For specific information on Corbie I am indebted to Dr D. Ganz. The essay is dedicated to the late Dr R. W. Hunt, in token of many kindnesses and in humble acknowledgement of his magisterium (which will long continue to be felt) in the field of medieval books and learning. I intended the article to be a tribute to him in his lifetime and so attempted to keep its preparation a secret from him, but of course he found out, and it is consequently enriched with some of his own incomparable learning. Any infelicities or errors are my responsibility.