Hostname: page-component-745bb68f8f-grxwn Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2025-02-04T20:09:21.406Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Icônes et Iconoclasme en Afrique

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  26 July 2017

Jack Goody
Jack Goody*
Affiliation:
St John 's College, Cambridge
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

On considère souvent l'Afrique comme le continent des icônes figuratives, des masques, de la sculpture, de la fonte du bronze et des « fétiches ». Dans les musées, les restes sanglants d'offrande montrent que ces objets avaient une fonction cultuelle et non pas seulement une valeur esthétique d'exposition. Les sculptures figuratives africaines sont présentes de façon dominante dans la plupart des collections d'art non européen et elles ont eu, au début de ce siècle, une grande influence sur les peintres européens eux-mêmes ; le cas bien connu du masque Fang acquis par Derain et admiré de Picasso est un exemple typique à cet égard.

Summary

Summary

Africa is often considered the land of icons, of fetishes, of three-dimensional representation Of divinity. However there are great differences between ethnic groups, only partly the result of lslamic influence or the subsequent attacks of Christians. Significantly the High God is rarely if ever represented anthropomorphically or even provided with an altar at which to communicate. Other major divinities have altars but rarely images, which are more frequently created for the category of intermediaries between man and God, the beings of the wild or “fairies”. An attempt is made to account for the external and internal differences in terms of the similar ambivalences towards the representation of the “immaterial” in material form as was found in iconoclastic phases of the cultural history of Europe and Asia. At this level the “mentalities” are comparable.

Type
Pratiques de la Représentation
Information
Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales , Volume 46 , Issue 6 , December 1991 , pp. 1235 - 1251
Copyright
Copyright © Les Éditions de l’EHESS 1991

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Bibliographie

Bravmann, (R. A.), 1974, Islam and tribal art in West Africa, Cambridge.Google Scholar
Bravmann, (R. A.), 1981, Islam in Africa, Washington DC.Google Scholar
Cole, (H. M.), 1969, Icons : ideals andpower in African art, Washington DC.Google Scholar
Evans-Pritchard, (E. E.), 1956, Nuer religion, Oxford.Google Scholar
Fortes, (M.), 1945, The dynamics ofclanship among the Tallensi, Londres.Google Scholar
Fortes, (M.), 1949, The web of kinship among the Tallensi, Londres.Google Scholar
Freedberg, (D.), 1985, Iconoclasts and their motives, Maarsen, Netherlands.Google Scholar
Goody, (E.), 1973, Parent hood and social reproduction : fostering and occupational rôles in West Africa, Cambridge.Google Scholar
Goody, (E.), 1982, Contexts of kinship : an essay in the family sociology of the Gonja of Northern Ghana, Cambridge.Google Scholar
Goody, (J.), 1962, Death, property and the ancestors, Stanford.Google Scholar
Goody, (J.), 1970, « Marriage policy and incorporation in Northern Ghana », dans Cohen, R. et Middleton, J. éds, From the tribe to nation in Africa, San Francisco.Google Scholar
Goody, (J.), 1970, « Reform, renewal and résistance : a Mahdi in Northern Ghana », dans Allen, C. et Johnson, R. W. éds, African perspectives, Cambridge, pp. 143–156.Google Scholar
Goody, (J.), 1971, « Class and marriage in Africa and Eurasia », American Journal of Sociology , LXXVI, 4, pp. 585–603.Google Scholar
Goody, (J.), 1972, The myth of theBagre, Oxford.Google Scholar
Goody, (J.), 1975, « Religion, social change and the sociology of conversion », dans Changing social structure in Ghana : essays in the comparative sociology ofa new state and an old tradition, Londres.Google Scholar
Goody, (J.), 1981, « Sacrifice among the LoDagaa and elsewhere : a comparative comment on explicit questions and explicit rejections », dans Systèmes de pensée en Afrique Noire, EPHE, Ve Section, Cahier U, pp. 9–22.Google Scholar
Goody, (J.), 1986, The logic of writing and the organization of society, Cambridge (traduction française : La logique de l'écriture : aux origines des sociétés humaines, A. Colin, 1986).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Grabar, (A.), 1968, Christian iconography : a study of its origins, Princeton.Google Scholar
Gray, (B.), 1930, Persian painting, Londres.Google Scholar
Holas, (B.), 1957, Les Senoufu, Paris. Google Scholar
Huntingdon, (J. C), 1985, « Origins of the Buddha image : early image traditions and the concept of Buddhadarsanapunya », dans Narain, A. K. éd., Studies in the Buddhist art of South Asia, New Delhi.Google Scholar
Huntingdon, (S.), 1985, The art of Ancient India, New York.Google Scholar
Hyers, (C), 1989, « The paradox of early Buddhist art », Asian art , 11, pp. 2–6.Google Scholar
Kibbey, (A.), 1986, The interprétation of material shapes in puritanism : a study of rhetoric, préjudice, and violence, Cambridge.Google Scholar
Labouret, (H.), 1932, Les tribus du rameau lobi, Paris.Google Scholar
Ludwig, (A. I.), 1966, Graven images : New England stonecarving and its symbols, 1650-1815, Middleton, Conn.Google Scholar
Marçais, (G.), 1957, La question des images dans l'art musulman. Mélanges d'histoire et d'archéologie de l'Occident musulman, Alger.Google Scholar
Marcus, (L. S.), 1986, Thepolitics of Mirth : Jonsen, Herrick, Milton, Marvelland the défense of the old holiday pastimes, Chicago.Google Scholar
Meyer, (P.), 1981, Kunst und Religion der Lobi, Zurich.Google Scholar
Pal, (P.), 1989, « Art and ritual of Buddhism », Asian art , 11, pp. 33–35.Google Scholar
Panofsky, (E.), 1946, Abbot Suger on the abbey church ofSt. Denis and its art treasures, Princeton, NJ.Google Scholar
Pelikan, (J.), 1990, Imago Dei : the Byzantine apologyfor icons, Princeton.Google Scholar
Père, (M.), 1988, Lobi : tradition et changement, Burkina Faso, 2 vols, Paris.Google Scholar
Phillips, (J.), 1973, The reformation of images : destruction ofart in England, 1535- 1660, Berkeley.Google Scholar
Sahas, (D. J.), Icons and logos : sources in eight century iconoclasm, Toronto.Google Scholar
Schildkrout, (E.), 1990, « Reflections on Mangbetu art », dans Schildkrout, E. et Kelm, C. A. éds, African reflections : artfrom Northeastern Zaire, Seattle.Google Scholar
Schmitt, (J.-C.), 1987, « L'Occident, Nicée II et les images du vme siècle au XIIIe siècle », dans Boespflug, F. et aliiéds, Nicée II, 787-1987 : douze siècles d'images religieuses, Paris.Google Scholar
Schimmel, (A.), 1976, « The celestial garden in Islam », dans Ettinghausen, H. éd., The islamic garden, Washington DC.Google Scholar
Schwartz, (G.), 1988 (1972), Iconoclasm and painting in the revolt of the Netherlands, 1566-1609, New York.Google Scholar
Snellgrove, (D. L.) éd., 1978, The image of the Buddha, Paris, UNESCO.Google Scholar
Stannard, (D. E.), 1977, Thepuritan way ofdeath : a study in religion, culture, and social change, Oxford.Google Scholar
Willet, (F.), 1971, African art, Londres.Google Scholar
Worsley, (P.), 1957, The trumpet shall sound, Londres.Google Scholar
Wright, (A. F.), 1959, Buddhism in Chinese history, Stanford, Cal.CrossRefGoogle Scholar