Antonio Di Millo is the author of an Isolario of which several copies have come down to us. Of these, two dated respectively (A) 1587 and (B) 1591 are preserved in the British Museum and a third (C) of 1590 in the Marciana at Venice. Two other copies, cited by Uzielli as existing at the Paris Bibliothèque Nationale, and the Biblioteca Municipale at Venice, seem to be no longer known at the libraries in question.

The greater part of the text of the work consists of practical directions for navigators and traders, including generally a note on the population, and occasionally on the staple products of the island under discussion. The rare notes on local history are, as will be seen, of some value. The text of the three copies shews considerable variations, many notes being peculiar to each. The B.M. (A) and Marciana copies seem to be autograph: in the B.M. (B) this is true only of the maps.

The author is mentioned as Antonius Meliensis by Leunclavius, who met him acting as pilot on a ship returning from Constantinople in 1585: this shows that he was actively engaged in his profession shortly before the first compilation of his Isolario and the note in (C) on Patmos shews that he was quite up to date in 1590. Millo is said by Leunclavius to have been a native of Melos and Greek by parentage.

A noticeable feature with regard to sacred localities (sacred springs, trees, wells and the like) not only in Ancient Greece, but also in other lands, is the frequent association of the sacred spot with the supposed grave of a saint, prophet or holy man. For example, a long list of sacred localities in the Punjab was published by Miss Burne and Mr. Rose in Folklore, xxi2 and it will be seen that the feature to which I have alluded, is as prominent here as in the traditions of Ancient Greece. It has, of course, attracted the attention of the authors, who offer two slightly different explanations of the phenomenon, (1) ‘The power of the original healer has passed into his tomb instead of into his descendants, or has been communicated by him to a well instead of to a disciple.’ This explanation, it will be observed, admits the existence of the buried prophet and his holiness as the ultimate source of the power of the locality. (2) It may be doubted whether those legendary Fakîrs, who are said to have given power to the wells, are not in reality early devotees of the wells in question, whose memory lingers at the places they themselves worshipped, and beside which they were frequently buried.

In April, 1911, during an exploring journey undertaken on behalf of the Macedonian Exploration Fund, while travelling from Serfije to Elassona we were fortunate enough to discover the important Latin inscription here published. It lies in the ruined church of the Holy Trinity (῾ΑγίαΤριάς) on the right bank of the Sarantaporos, about five minutes to the north of the gendarmerie post by the Khan of Hajji Zhogu, on the high road some three hours to the north of Elassona. The inscription is on a tall, narrow stele of coarse blue marble ·48 m. wide by ·96 m. high and topped by a gable, ·16 m. high, below which is a moulded architrave ·04 m. high. The total height of the inscribed part is ·74 m., and the stone is ·10 m. thick. Unfortunately the stele, which is Greek in shape, has been broken in two obliquely not far below the top, and owing to the bad quality of the marble employed the break is not clean, and the surface is badly splintered. Thus lines 2–8 are badly damaged, but fortunately, with one exception, they can easily be restored.

The inscriptions contained in this article were found in the neighbourhood of the Tauros valley in Western Pisidia during the autumn of 1910 by Mr. Nikolas Michael of Adalia, who has kindly forwarded me his copies for publication. They form a substantial addition to the texts found by Mr. Ormerod and myself in that region a few months earlier, though it is disappointing that none of them furnish any topographical information. The discovery of No. 5 at Yerten-Keui tends to confirm the view that this village represents an ancient site. As, on the whole, they present no serious textual problems, it seems sufficient to publish them in minuscules only, noting ligatures where they occur. A classification by subjects has been adopted.

The following notes were made by us on a short journey in Pamphylia during March 1911.It had been our intention on reaching Adalia about the middle of the month to go at once into Lycia, but the lateness of the season made the higher ground impossible, and it seemed better to spend a short time in examining the country in the immediate neighbourhood of Adalia, much of which was still imperfectly known (Fig. 1).

The best description of the Pamphylian plain is that given by Lanckoronski. From the Kestros to the Melas stretches a low-lying, swampy plain, traversed by three great rivers which come down from the Pisidian highlands, feverish in summer, and during the winter months impossible for wheeled traffic. To the west of the Kestros rises a rocky plateau of travertine some hundred feet above sea-level, on which stands the town of Adalia (Attaleia) on cliffs above the sea, which diminish towards the west. To the north of Adalia rises a third level, which viewed from the south, resembles a high raised beach, running roughly parallel with the present coast as far as the village of Barsak. To the east of that point the hills turn in a north-easterly direction and sink gradually down towards the Kestros. The western part of the plateau is crossed by two main roads, leading respectively to Istanoz and Buldur.

The question of the influence of the Eastern Mediterranean on the Central and Western is not a new one, and an apology is perhaps needed for re-opening it. If so it must be taken to lie in the fact that the last five years have thrown a new light on the Eastern Mediterranean. It was easy to say that what seemed strange or new in Crete or Italy must be due to ‘Oriental influence’ so long as this alluring phrase remained without content. Now, however, when we are beginning to catch glimpses of what was really happening in nearer Asia in remote days, we are almost daily finding that something of that which was so readily labelled ‘oriental’ is not oriental at all.

It is, then, a time for reconsidering this question, and no doubt it will be discussed in all its bearings at the coming Archaeological Congress in Rome, where the following problem is to be dealt with: ‘In what consists the evidence of the influence of the pre-Hellenic East on the countries of the Western Mediterranean?’ Here I shall confine myself mainly to a single aspect of the question. It is an aspect which has lately been brought into prominence by Professor Elliot Smith's book on the Ancient Egyptians. This book is of course mainly concerned with Egypt and the Egyptians, but its last chapter is an attempt to reconcile the craniological evidence available for Egypt and the Mediterranean with the archaeological.

1. I Published a large number of clay sealings found in 1901 in a house of Late Minoan I. period at Zakro, Crete, in the Journal of Hellenic Studies (xxii. p. 76), with photographs of casts made in Candia from the different types. A representative set of duplicate sealings was afterwards presented to me by the Cretan Government and placed in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford. When I became Keeper of this Museum some years later, I had these sealings recleaned and re-cast, and so obtained a clearer view of one type (No. 10 on p. 78 of the original publication). As it has some features of interest of which I was unaware previously, I republish it here.

I had described it, from collation of thirty imperfectly cleaned impressions of the type, as ‘A female in long bell-skirt with hands on breast, opposed to a figure with cap and long mantle (?) from neck to feet.’ This description was wrong in several particulars. The female figure on the impression is moving to the left, and has one hand on her right breast, the other on her three-fold girdle. It is impossible to determine whether her face is turned full to the front or is seen in profile one way or the other. She is followed, not opposed, by another figure in peaked cap, cloak hanging loosely from the neck to the hips, and long round skirt. This figure, (perhaps male) bears over its left shoulder a long-handled axe.

The course of the Scamander is divided into three well marked sections—valley basins divided by defiles. Beginning from the mouth we have first the Plain of Troy, of which nothing need be said here; enough has been written about it already. It is bounded on the south by the Bally Dagh and south of this again by the Kara Dagh. Into the bay between these two runs on the east a spur of the Kayaly Dagh. These hills descend in steep slopes to the river banks, and form a gorge of limestone cliffs some four miles long, nearly as far as Sarimsak Köprü (Garlic Bridge). The path from the north mounts the slopes of the Bally Dagh to a height of over 500 feet, then descends to the river where in the middle of the gorge there lies a small secluded plain—a spot of idyllic charm—and again rises to a height of over 600 feet in order to cross the southern barrier of the Kara Dagh and reach the high road from the Dardanelles to Ezine close to Sarimsak Köprü.