Published online by Cambridge University Press: 29 November 2011
page 118 note 1 de Montfaucon, B., L'Antiquité expliquée, 2nd ed. (1722), ii, pl. CXIV, fig. 3Google Scholar.
page 118 note 2 A relief from Paris gives the name; Espérandieu, Recueil général des bas-reliefs, statues et busies de la Gaule romaine, 3111. Duval, P. in a recent book, Les Inscriptions antiques de Paris, 1960, pp. 17–19Google Scholar, has pointed out that the name Cernunnos is not complete on the relief; the first letter is missing giving ‘.er[n]unnos.’ The name is not known else- where, and although Duval gives several other possible names he thinks that the name derived from ‘cornu’ is best. Only half the relief remains, so that the god is not actually seen to be sitting, but the proportions suggest this position. The relief is now in the Cluny Museum and J. J. Hatt thinks that it is not a single altar but part of a pillar formed of five blocks showing several Roman and several Celtic gods. Revue Archélologique, xxxix, 1952, pp. 68–84; XLII, 1953, pp. 52–69Google Scholar.
page 118 note 3 v, 28,4.
page 119 note 1 Jacobsthal, P., Early Celtic Art, i, p. 3, pl. 217Google Scholar.
page 119 note 2 Espérandieu, v, 3653.
page 119 note 3 For Mother Goddesses with cornucopiae, see Lambrechts, P., Contributions à l'étude des divinités celtiques, 1948, p. 170Google Scholar with figs. 36 and 40, and p. 172 for an equation of all female deities with the Mother Goddess.
page 119 note 4 For example, the head from the Worlington hoard, Proc. Cambs. Antiq. Soc. xlix (1956), 87Google Scholar; the bronze bucket escutcheon from Aluph, Boughton, Arch. Cant. lxxii (1958), pl. 11, p. 212Google Scholar; the bronze terret from Aldborough, , J.R.S. xliv (1954), pl. 11, 2Google Scholar: a mosaic at Verulamium, Wheeler, , Verulamium, a Belgic and Two Roman Cities, pl. XLIGoogle Scholar.
page 119 note 5 Espérandieu, iii, 2131.
page 119 note 6 Revue Archéologique (1911), pl. ivGoogle Scholar.
page 119 note 7 A relief in the Bath Museum may represent the same divinity. She is seated, holding what may be a serpent, and a horned god stands by her side. The details of the relief are not at all clear and Haverfield suggested that these divinities represent Mercury and Rosmerta. V.C.H. Somerset, i, 259.
page 119 note 8 This is not the usual account of the Celtic pantheon, but see Pernoud, , Les Gaulois, p. 60.Google ScholarThe matter is further argued in my unpublished M.A. thesis (London University, 1962)Google Scholar.
page 119 note 9 This is paralleled by a relief of Epona at Aptaab, Bulgaria, where she sits between two foals. It was dated to the beginning of the second century. Magnen, , Epona (1953), pl. 61Google Scholar.
page 120 note 1 For this attitude, cf. the bronze figurine of Artio in the Berne Museum, Stachelin, , Die Schweiz in römischer Zeit, p. 511Google Scholar.
page 120 note 2 I owe this suggestion to Professor Ian Richmond.
page 120 note 3 VIII, v, 154–7.
page 120 note 4 Metamorphoses, iii, 27.
page 120 note 5 Apologeticus, 16; Ad Nationes, 1, ii.
page 120 note 6 Colchester: Trans. Essex Arch. Soc. xxix, 19 (1927), 198Google Scholar; Magnen, R., Epona, pl. 49Google Scholar; Entrains: Magnen, R., Epona, pl. 48Google Scholar.
page 120 note 7 Carvoran: CIL, vii, 747; Auchendavy: CIL, vii, 1114.
page 120 note 8 Espérandieu, p. 8235; Magnen, R., Epona, pl. 9Google Scholar.
page 120 note 9 Water and water meadows are very valuable to horses.
page 120 note 10 Lambrechts, P., Contribution à l'étude des divinités celtiques, pp. 170 ff.Google Scholar; ‘Epona et les Matres’ in l'Antiquité classique (1950), p. 103Google Scholar.
page 120 note 11 Espérandieu, p. 1588.
page 120 note 12 Ibid., p. 2942.
page 120 note 13 CIL, xiii, 5622.
page 120 note 14 Lantier, J., ‘Une Nouvelle Image d'Epona’, in ‘Hommages à Waldemar Deonna’, Collections Latomus, p. 334, pl. XLIVGoogle Scholar.
page 121 note 1 Lambrechts, P., Latomus, viii (1949), 145–58Google Scholar.
page 121 note 2 Benoit, E., Les Mythes de l'Outre-Tombe (1950), p. 56Google Scholar.
page 121 note 3 Magnen, R., Epona, pl. 45Google Scholar.
page 121 note 4 Cricourt, J., Ogam, vi (1956), 25Google Scholar; The Mabinogion, translated by Jones, G. and Jones, T. (1948), pp. 9 ffGoogle Scholar.
page 121 note 5 The Mabinogion, p. 115
page 121 note 6 CIL, iii, 7750.
page 121 note 7 Renard, M., ‘La Louve androphage d'Arlon’, Latomus, viii (1949), 254–62Google Scholar.
page 121 note 8 Revue Archéologique (1911), pp. 55–61Google Scholar.
page 122 note 1 Perrot, C. et Chipiez, G., Histoire de l'art dans l'antiquité, vii, 220–1; p. 181, fig. 66Google Scholar.
page 122 note 2 Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, ii (1919), pp. 82–84, no. 90–91, pls. 65–66Google Scholar; Brown, W. Llewellyn, The Etruscan Lion, p. 3, pl. 1 aGoogle Scholar.
page 122 note 3 Latomus, viii (1949), pl. viiGoogle Scholar.
page 122 note 4 Benoit, F., ‘Observations sur les routes du commerce gréco-étrusque’ in Actes du Collogue sur les influences hélleniques en Gaule, Dijon, 1958Google Scholar.
page 122 note 5 Latomus, viii (1949), 257–8Google Scholar.
page 122 note 6 Jenkins, F., ‘The Role of the Dog in Romano-Gaulish Religion’, Latomus, xvi (1957), 60–76Google Scholar.
page 122 note 7 de Jubainville, A., Les Druides et les dieux celtiques à forme d'animaux (1906), pp. 152–3Google Scholar.
page 122 note 8 Revue Celtique, xxxiv (1913), 2Google Scholar.
page 122 note 9 Professor Richmond has drawn my attention to the parallel with the story of Red Riding Hood.
page 122 note 10 Three terracotta figurines of dogs were found in 1864 placed in graves of a Roman cemetery at Bregenz, Austria. The report does not give details, but one dog which is in a similar attitude to the androphage was placed in a grave slightly above the ashes. The grave had been disturbed by a later burial. Jahrbuch für Altertumskunde der K. u. K. Zentralkommission für Kunst und historische Denkmale, iii (1909), 98 ff.Google Scholar The dog would appear in this connexion as a guide to the Other World.