Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-lnqnp Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-26T20:07:02.121Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Free Plan for the 1850s: Forgotten Imagined Architectures from Mid-Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 January 2016

Pedro Guedes
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

This study focuses on two little-known mid-nineteenth-century pamphlets which proposed radical changes to the ways in which large public and administrative buildings were planned. Although one author went to some lengths to remain anonymous, the other was soon to become recognized and respected as a major critic and historian of architecture. These ideas were thus by no means the fantasies of peripheral dreamers. Indeed, they were possible, practical solutions to current problems which used both proven and emerging technologies. Both authors advocated deep, top-lit, single-storey, ‘universal’, undifferentiated and continuous space as the best way to plan museums, libraries and offices, supported by clearly articulated reasoning. In so doing, they advanced arguments more usually associated with the open planning and ‘free’ plans of twentieth-century Modern architecture; they anticipated ideas put forward independently over three-quarters of a century later. The authors appropriated strategies already rehearsed in contemporary buildings that had been conceived for commercial, horticultural and industrial uses. They also understood how new technologies of construction and servicing developed outside the fields of public and representational buildings could help make the spaces in these types comfortable and environmentally acceptable.

Type
Research Article
Information
Architectural History , Volume 57 , 2014 , pp. 239 - 275
Copyright
Copyright © Society of Architectural Historians of Great Britain 2014

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Notes

1 Durand, J.N.L. (Text - Legrand, J.G.), Recueuil et parallèle des edifices de tout genre anciens et modernes remarcables pour leur beauté… (Paris, 1799–1800).Google Scholar

2 Fergusson, James, History of Architecture in All Countries, 4 vols (London, 1865, 1867 and 1876).Google Scholar This work had appeared in various forms and titles from the mid-1850s, starting with The Illustrated Handbook of Architecture, 2 vols (London, 1855)Google Scholar. Some of the publication history and changes in titles is given in the preface to the first edition (1862) of A History of the Modern Styles of Architecture.

3 Haycock, David Boyd, ‘James Fergusson’, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, at www.oxforddnb.com.ezproxy.library.uq.edu.au/view/article/9336?docPos=5 (accessed on 6 September 2013).Google Scholar

4 Fergusson, James, An Historical Inquiry into the True Principles of Beauty in Art… (London, 1849), p. 105.Google Scholar Fergusson published this work privately with the intention of following it with a second volume. Poor sales led him to abandon the project and concentrate on a more popular treatment of the history of architecture. See note 2 above.

5 Ibid., p. 105.

6 Fergusson, James, Observations on the British Museum, National Gallery, and National Record Office, With Suggestions for Their Improvement (London, 1849).Google Scholar

7 Ibid., pp. 11–12.

8 ‘Editorial’, The Builder, 7 (1849), p. 350.Google ScholarPubMed

9 ‘Mr. Fergusson and the British Museum’, Civil Engineer and Architects Journal, 12 (1849), p. 196.Google Scholar

10 ‘Innovation’, The Architect and Building Operative, 1 (1849), pp. 229–31.Google ScholarPubMed

11 P.P.C.R., , ‘The New Building at the British Museum’, Mechanics Magazine, 26 (1837), p. 457.Google Scholar

12 ‘The New British Museum’, Illustrated London News, 4 (1844), p. 28 Google Scholar. In this article, the south façade was first shown to the public in a woodcut entitled: ‘Façade of the British Museum — From Sir R. Smirke’s Design’. In this drawing, the building was shown as mechanically stark without any sculptural enrichments. See also ‘The New British Museum’, Illustrated London News, 5 (1845), pp. 357–58Google Scholar. A further illustration based on an ‘amended’ drawing supplied by Smirke shows enrichments in the form of a sculpted frieze and sculptures both in the pediment and crowning it. Finally, see ‘Idea for the Façade of the British Museum’, Civil Engineer and Architect’s Journal, 9 (1846), pp. 64–66 Google Scholar. This article shows a plan and elevation of the façade with columns of different heights and a Corinthian Order for the eight columns under the pediment.

13 ‘The New British Museum’, Builder, 4 (1846), pp. 152–53Google Scholar; ‘Sculptures for the South Front of the British Museum’, Builder, 4 (1846), p. 225 Google Scholar. See also Mordaunt Crook, J., British Museum: a Case Study in Architectural Politics (London, 1972).Google Scholar Fergusson maintained his scathing criticism of Smirke’s design for the British Museum in later publications. They continued to appear in the editions of his work edited by Robert Kerr in the 1890s. See Fergusson, James, History of the Modern Styles of Architecture, 2 vols (London, 1891), 11, pp. 78–79.Google Scholar

14 Fergusson, , Observations, pp. 33–38.Google ScholarPubMed Fergusson’s pamphlet has a fairly detailed analysis of expenditure on the Museum based upon Parliamentary reports.

15 Ibid., p. 39.

16 Ibid., p. 39.

17 Combe, James, ‘Description of a Flax Mill Recently Erected by Messrs. Marshall at Leeds’, Minutes of the Proceedings of the Institution of Civil Engineers [hereafter ‘PICE’], 2 (1842), pp. 142–45 (p. 142).CrossRefGoogle Scholar In the published account, Combe’s short presentation was followed by discussion in which costs and other details were discussed. Fergusson relied on these costings for his comparisons with the British Museum. See also ‘Description of a Flax Mill Recently Erected by Messrs. Marshall, at Leeds’, Civil Engineer and Architects Journal, 5 (1842), pp. 350–51Google Scholar; ‘Description of a Flax Mill Recently Erected by Messrs. Marshall, at Leeds’, London Journal of the Arts and Sciences…, 22 (1843), pp. 51–55 Google Scholar; ‘A Day at a Leeds Flax-Mill, ’, The Penny Magazine, Supplement (December 1843), pp. 501–08Google Scholar; Dickens, Charles, ‘Wolloty Trot, Scene the Second: a Leeds Flax Mill’, Household Words, 6 (1852–53), pp. 501–02.Google Scholar

18 Joseph Bonomi Jr, who does not seem to have had a hand in the vaulted structure behind, designed the Egyptian façade, based on the Temple of Horus at Edfu. See Colvin, Howard, A Biographical Dictionary of British Architects (London, 1978)Google Scholar, footnote to entry on Ignatius Bonomi. Joseph’s brother, Ignatius, advocated vaulted structures in masonry as a method of making fireproof buildings. In his paper on the subject, there is no mention of iron columns. The paper was written in response to the destruction of part of York Minster in a fire. See Bonomi, Ignatius, ‘On the Construction of Fireproof Buildings’, Quarterly Journal of Science (January–June 1829), pp. 320–22.Google Scholar This article appeared in other journals including Arcana of Science and Art (1830), pp.45–47, and Franklin Journal, 8 (1829), pp. 239–40.Google ScholarPubMed

19 For example, Corbusier, Le, Towards a New Architecture (London, 1927), translated by Etchells, Frederick, esp. pp. 15–42.Google Scholar

20 Fergusson, , Observations, p. 42.Google ScholarPubMed

21 Ibid., p. 41.

22 In 1849, it was becoming clear that unprotected iron structural elements were very vulnerable to catastrophic failure when exposed to intense heat. James Braidwood, the superintendent of the London fire brigade wrote on this subject. See Braidwood, James, ‘On Fire-proof Buildings’, PICE, 8 (1849), pp. 141–63.Google Scholar See also ‘On Fire-Proof Buildings’, The Builder, 7 (1849), p. 116.Google Scholar

23 Fergusson, , Observations, p. 41.Google ScholarPubMed

24 Ibid., p. 42.

25 Ibid., pp. 42–43.

26 James Pennethorne’s designs for the new Record Office in Chancery Lane were published in The Builder in 1851: ‘The New Record Office, Chancery Lane. — Mr. Pennethorne, Architect’, The Builder, 9 (1851), p. 635 (description), p. 643 (view).Google ScholarPubMed

27 Fergusson, , Observations, p. 64.Google ScholarPubMed

28 Ibid., p. 27.

29 Ibid., p. 43.

30 Ibid., p. 44.

31 Ibid., p. 45.

32 Fergusson’s calculations of cost were based upon the declared cost of the Leeds mill at the presentation made by James Combe at the Institution of Civil Engineers, PICE, 2 (1842), p. 142. This gave the cost including the Egyptian front as £27,443. The mounting costs of the British Museum were regularly updated in the press, based upon Parliamentary reports. By the end of 1846, a total of £606,500 had been spent since work had started in 1823. At the time, ‘the estimate for the cost of completing the building, in which sum is included the expenses for fittings in the year 1847–48 amounts to the sum of £106,911’. ‘The British Museum’, Builder, 5 (1847), p. 151.Google Scholar

33 Collins, Peter, Changing Ideals in Modern Architecture (London, 1968), pp. 128–46.Google Scholar

34 Fergusson, James, A History of the Modern Styles of Architecture …,2 vols (London, 1891), I, p. 289 (this quotation).Google Scholar Originally published in 1862. In 1849, when Fergusson was writing his pamphlet, Labrouste’s building was nearing completion. It was published in Britain in plan and section in 1851: ‘Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève, at Paris’, Civil Engineer and Architects’ Journal, 14 (1851), p. 151 and pl. 20Google Scholar. It was published more comprehensively in France. See, for example, Labrouste, Henri, ‘Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève’, Revue Générale de l’Architecture et des Travaux Publics, 10 (1852), cols 379–84 and pls 20–27.Google Scholar Daly, César, ‘Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève. (Paris. — M. H. Labrouste, Arch.)’, Revue Générale de l’Architecture et des Travaux Publics, 11 (1853), cols 392–93 and pls 30–32.Google Scholar Also Encyclopédie d’Architecture (1853), pls 1–2,19, 26–28, 38–39, 104–05,114–15.Google Scholar

35 Fergusson, , Observations, p. 86.Google ScholarPubMed

36 Anon., A Remedy for the Evils that have Caused the Destruction of a Large Portion of the British Army Before Sevastopol (Paris, 1855), pp. 85–87.Google Scholar

37 So far, attempts to identify the author of the pamphlet have failed. The fact that the pamphlet was written in English but printed in Paris, while making it clear that it was available from booksellers in London, suggests that the author was trying hard to conceal his identity.

38 Anon., A Remedy, p. 86.Google ScholarPubMed

39 Ibid., p. 86.

40 Ibid., p. 86.

41 Ibid., p. 85.

42 Ibid., p. 87.

43 Morrison, Kathryn A., English Shops and Shopping: an Architectural History (New Haven and London, 2003), pp. 110–12.Google Scholar

44 By comparison, the great municipal market in Paris, Marché Saint-Germain, completed in the same decade, was planned like Smirke’s British Museum. It consisted of four long ranges of buildings enclosing a rectangular open space. The interior is illustrated in Pugin, Augustus, Paris and its Environs, Displayed in a Series of Picturesque Views … (London, 1831), p. 176 Google Scholar and unnumbered half-plate: ‘Le Marché de St. Germain’. See also Guadet, Julien, Éléments et Théorie de l’Architecture …,4 vols (Paris, c. 1900), III, elevation, plan and description, pp. 23–24.Google Scholar

45 Anon, Account of St. John’s Market, Great Charlotte Street, Liverpool, opened on Thursday, March 7, 1822, with a Perspective View of the Exterior and a Ground Plan of the Interior of the Building, Together With the Rules, Orders, and By-Laws for Regulating the Same (Liverpool, 1822), p. 3.Google Scholar

46 ‘The Architecture of Liverpool — by a Stranger’, Civil Engineer and Architects Journal, 4 (1841), p. 18.Google Scholar

47 Bindman, David and Riemann, Gottfried, Karl Fredrich Schinkel: ‘The English Journey’, Journal of a Visit to France and Britain in 1826 (New Haven, 1993), p. 179.Google Scholar

48 ‘The New Market at Liverpool’, Gentleman’s Magazine, 131 (1822), p. 113 Google Scholar. The market is illustrated with perspective views in Allen, Thomas, Lancashire Illustrated, with Original Drawings by S. Austin, J. Harwood, and G. & C. Pyne … (London, 1832) pp. 25–26 and two plates.Google Scholar

49 See Cockerell, Samuel Pepys, Travels in Southern Europe and the Levant, 1810–1817. The Journal of C. R. Cockerel!, R.A. Edited by his Son… (London, 1903).Google Scholar

50 Sims, Eleanor, ‘Trade and Travel: Markets and Caravanserais’, in Architecture of the Islamic World, ed. Michell, George (London, 1978), pp. 80–111.Google Scholar

51 Nineteenth-century covered markets in Britain generally followed the precedent set by Foster in St John’s Market. European market buildings were often more open pavilions, possibly following other precedents such as the covered market buildings in French Bastide towns. For British covered markets, see, for example, ‘Market House at Blackburn’, Practical Mechanics Journal, 1 (1848), pl. 15.Google Scholar See also ‘Bolton Market’, Builder, 11 (1853), p. 24 Google Scholar; ‘ New Market Burnley’, Builder, 24 (1866), p. 250.Google Scholar

52 Bannister, Turpin, ‘The First Iron-framed Buildings’, Architectural Review, 107 (1950), pp. 231–46Google Scholar; Skempton, A.W. and Johnson, H.R., ‘William Strutt’s Cotton Mills, 1793–1812’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society, 30 (1955–57), pp. 179–205 Google Scholar; Johnson, H.R. and Skempton, A.W., ‘William Strutt’s Cotton Mills, 1793–1812’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society, 30 (1957), pp. 179–205 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; kempton, A.W. and Johnson, H.R., ‘The First Iron Frames’, Architectural Review, 131 (1962), pp. 175–86Google Scholar; de Maré, Eric and Skempton, A.W., ‘The Sheerness Boat Store (1858–60)’, RIBA Journal, 68 (1961), pp. 318–24Google Scholar; Hay, Geoffrey D. and Stell, Geoffrey R, Monuments of Industry — an Illustrated Historical Record (Glasgow, 1986)Google Scholar; Fitzgerald, Ron, ‘The Development of the Cast Iron Frame in Textile Mills to 1850’, Industrial Archaeology Review, 10 (1988), pp. 127–45CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sutherland, R.J.M. (ed.), Structural Iron, 1750–1850 (Aldershot, 1997).Google Scholar

53 Ure, Andrew, Philosophy of Manufactures or an Exposition of the Scientific, Moral and Commercial Economy of the Factory System of Great Britain (London, 1835), pp. 110–11.Google Scholar

54 Giles, Colum, ‘Housing the Loom, 1790–1850: a Study of Industrial Building and Mechanization in a Transitional Period’, Industrial Archaeology Review, 16 (1993–94), pp. 27–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

55 Fairbairn, William, Treatise on Mills and Mill Work, 2 vols (London, 1863), II, pp. 115–16.Google Scholar See also Fairbairn, William, The Application of Cast and Wrought Iron to Building Purposes … (London, 1857–58), p. 173.Google Scholar For an overview of textile mills and weaving sheds, see also Williams, Mike, Cotton Mills of Greater Manchester (Preston, 1992)Google Scholar; Darley, Gillian, Factory (London, 2003)Google Scholar; Wilkinson, Chris, Supersheds: The Architecture of Long-span, Large Volume Buildings (London, 1991).Google Scholar

56 Pevsner, Nikolaus, Pioneers of Modern Design (Harmondsworth, 1960), pp. 118–46Google Scholar; Giedion, Sigfried, Space, Time and Architecture: The Growth of a New Tradition, 5th edn (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), pp. 190–211.Google Scholar

57 The method of creating wide span groined vaults in brick had been developed by George Tappen, a London architect and surveyor. See Tappen, George, Architect, Remarks on A New and Improved Method of Building Groined Arches: in Reference to a Model Made for Practical Demonstration (London, 1807)Google Scholar. Reviewed in Monthly Magazine (1 September 1807), pp. 140–43. Drawings of the groined vaults in the London Dock Cellars are given in Brown, Richard, ‘On a Correct Practical Method for Cutting Spherical Brick Niches — on The Spiral Line — and on Spandril Groins, Philosophical Magazine, 47 (1816), pp. 161–65 and Pl.2.Google Scholar

58 ‘A Day at a Leeds Flax-Mill’, Penny Magazine (December 1843), p. 504.Google Scholar

59 Combe, James, ‘Description of a Flax Mill Recently Erected by Messrs. Marshall at Leeds’, PICE, 2 (1842), pp. 142–45 (p. 142).Google Scholar Little is known of James Combe. There is no entry in Skempton, A.W. (ed.), Biographical Dictionary of Civil Engineers in Great Britain and Ireland, volume 1: 1500–1850 (London, 2002)Google Scholar or Cross-Rudkin, P.S.M., Biographical Dictionary of Civil Engineers in Great Britain and Ireland, volume 2: 1830–1890 (London, 2008).CrossRefGoogle Scholar There is also no entry for Combe in Bell, S.P., A Biographical Index of British Engineers in the 19th Century (London, 1975)Google Scholar

60 Combe, , ‘Description’, p. 142.Google Scholar The figure given was £27,443, which included the ornamental Egyptian front.

61 Coad, Jonathan, The Portsmouth Block Mills: Bentham, Brunel and the start of the Royal Navy’s Industrial Revolution (Swindon, 2005).Google Scholar

62 Combe, , ‘Description’, p. 145.Google Scholar

63 Ibid., p. 144. Smith, James, who managed a large establishment at Deanston in Lanarkshire, Scotland had built the first such mill in 1834. See ‘The Deanston Cotton Works’, Chambers Edinburgh Journal, 371, 9 March 1839, p. 55 Google Scholar; Smith, James of Deanston Obit., PICE, 10 (1850–51), pp. 93–94.Google Scholar For a description of the single-storey weaving room at Deanston, see ‘Reports of the Inspectors of Factories to Her Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for the Home Department for the Half-Year ending 31st December 1838.’ Appendix — No. V — ‘Mr. James Smith’s Statement as to the Deanston Cotton-works, in the County of Perth. Communicated by him to Mr.Stuart’, , in Reports from Commissioners, 16 vols (London, 1839), 6, p. 99 and in report on factories (6, pp. 533–37)Google Scholar. This publication gives a relatively full description of the vaulted mill at Deanston.

64 Chadwick, Edwin, Report to Her Majesty’s Principal Secretary of State for the Home Department for the Poor Law Commissioners on an Inquiry into the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population of Great Britain … (London, 1842), pp. 248–53.Google Scholar

65 Chadwick, , Report, p. 250.Google Scholar

66 Ibid., p. 251.

67 Ibid., p. 253.

68 Buckminster Fuller, R., The Artifacts of R. Buckminster Fuller: a Comprehensive Collection of his Designs and Drawings — Edited with Descriptions by James Ward, 4 vols (New York, 1985), IV, p. 217 Google Scholar; Baldwin, J., BuckyWorks: Buckminster Fuller’s Ideas for Today (New York, 1996), pp. 188–89.Google Scholar

69 Loudon, John Claudius, Encyclopaedia of Gardening (London, 1822), p. 926.Google Scholar

70 Loddiges’, George ‘artificial rain’ (article 1689) in Loudon’s Encyclopaedia of Gardening, p. 331.Google Scholar ‘James Kewley’s alarum-thermometer’ (article 1489). Fully described with a drawing of the mechanism on p. 294, Kewley patented his ingenious mechanism in 1816 (British Patent, 4086).

71 Loudon, John Claudius, ‘Hints for improvements. NEW Ideas’, The Gardener’s Magazine, 3 (1828), pp. 478–79.Google Scholar

72 Wyatt, Matthew Digby, ‘On the Construction of the Building for the Exhibition of the Works of Industry of All Nations in 1851’, PICE, 10 (1850–51), pp. 127–91 and pl. 2.Google Scholar See also Berlyn, Peter and Fowler, Charles, The Crystal Palace: its Architectural History and Constructive Marvels (London, 1851).Google Scholar

73 Schoenefeldt, Henrik, ‘Adapting Glasshouses for Human Use: Environmental Experimentation in Paxton’s Design for the 1851 Great Exhibition Building and the Crystal Palace, Sydenham’, Architectural History, 54 (2011), pp. 233–73.Google Scholar

74 Fergusson, , History of Architecture, I, p. xiii.Google Scholar

75 Fergusson, , Observations, p. 44.Google Scholar

76 Fergusson, James, History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, 2 vols (London 1872), II, pp. 263–66.Google Scholar

77 The problem of waterproofing flat roofs and disposing of rainwater had been solved in the Deanston and Leeds mills by the use of asphalt laid over the plastered vaults and protected and insulated with a layer of soil and the hollow cast-iron columns that conveyed the rainwater to a system of drains below the floor.

78 Fergusson, , The Illustrated Handbook, I, pp. 453–54.Google Scholar The entry of natural light into the vast space was carefully manipulated in some of the important structural bays near the Qibla. This has been confirmed in restoration work carried out since the period when Fergusson was writing. For a discussion of this subject, see Moneo, Rafael, ‘La vida de los edificios, Las ampliaciones de la Mezquita de Cordoba’, Arquitectura, 256 (1985), pp. 26–36.Google Scholar

79 The first published version of Fergusson’s theories about the lighting of Greek temples is to be found in Fergusson, James, ‘Hypaethron’, An Historical Inquiry into the True Principles of Beauty in Art, pp. 385–93.Google Scholar In this account, he proposes a derivation from Egyptian architecture and provides detailed plans and sections of several temples including the Parthenon at Athens. Some of the same diagrams, including the section of the Parthenon at Athens, were published with an abridged text in Fergusson, James, ‘Mode of Lighting Temples’, The Illustrated Handbook, I, book VI, ch. II, pp. 277–79.Google Scholar Fergusson presented his arguments in a paper delivered at the RIBA in 1861, published as Fergusson, James, ‘On The Mode in Which Light Was Introduced into the Greek Temples’, Royal Institute of British Architects, Transactions, 12 (1861/62), pp. 17–36,Google Scholar plus one plate. Fergusson reported some years later that after his presentation there had been a lively discussion but no one agreed with his ideas. His views did not change, and when he published a reworking of his Handbook as A History of Architecture in All Countries in 1865, the same text and illustrations were repeated. To emphasize his adherence to his views, he included the illustration showing the sectional drawing of the Parthenon on the title page with the caption: ‘Section of the Parthenon showing the mode in which light was admitted’. See Fergusson, James, ‘Mode of Lighting Temples’, A History of Architecture in All Countries (London, 1865), I, pp. 240–41.Google Scholar At the end of his career, three years before his death in 1883, Fergusson published a 135-page monograph with four detailed plates, bringing his theories up to date. The discussion ranges widely, drawing upon examples from Indian cave as well as Egyptian temples, all of which offered Fergusson suggestions for his hypotheses. The work culminates with a description of the Parthenon and its lighting. His ideas had not changed in broad terms, but the ‘restored’ section of the building had alterations in the detail, based upon experiments using a large-scale model in which sizes of skylight openings were tested. In addition to the detailed section (pl. III), there is also a plate with an interior perspective view (pl. IV). See Fergusson, James, The Parthenon; An Essay on the Mode by Which Light Was Introduced into Greek and Roman Temples (London, 1883).Google Scholar

80 Symonds, Janet Catherine (ed.), Recollections of a Happy Life, Being the Autobiography of Marianne North (London, 1894).Google Scholar

81 Fergusson, , The Illustrated Handbook, I, p. 133–35.Google Scholar Fergusson here argues that Chinese architecture was deficient because it was based on building in timber and did not produce monumental architecture in stone.

82 Fergusson, James, History of Modern Architecture, 3rd revised edn (London, 1891), II, pp. 419–20.Google Scholar

83 Fergusson, , An Historical Inquiry into the True Principles of Beauty in Art, p. 160.Google Scholar

84 Ibid., p. 169.

85 Mordaunt Crook, J., The Dilemma of Style: Architectural Ideas from the Picturesque to the Post-Modern (London, 1989), pp. 128–30.Google Scholar

86 At a stretch, the reading room designed by Henri Labrouste for the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris (1857) with its nine bays of domical vaults, each with its own skylight supported on slender cast-iron columns could be seen as derived from a similar idea. The vaults in this case are significantly smaller than those proposed by Fergusson, . See Illustrated London News, 53 (1868), p. 409.Google Scholar

87 Images and references to early office space have been gathered at http: / / www.officemuseum.comhttp: / / www.officemuseum.com (accessed on 30 December 2013). There were some moves in the direction of grouping large numbers of clerks and people processing orders in banks, mail-order establishments and telegraph offices, but not on the bold and ruthlessly regimented scale proposed for the War Administration Building.

88 Ward, Montgomery & Co., Catalogue No. 13 — Spring and Summer, 1875 (Chicago, 1875), trade catalogue un-paginated.Google Scholar

89 Roebuck, Sears and Co., A Visit to Sears Roebuck and Co. (Chicago, 1912), un-paginated promotional pamphlet.Google Scholar

90 Harland, Marion, My Trip Thru the Larkin Factories (Buffalo, NY, 1913).Google Scholar See also Larkin, Co., The Larkin Factory to Family Plan (Buffalo, NY, 1915), trade catalogue.Google Scholar

91 Fergusson, , An Historical Inquiry into the True Principles of Beauty in Art, p. 105.Google Scholar

92 Garbett, Edward Lacy, Rudimentary Treatise on the Principles of Design in Architecture as Deducible from Nature and Exemplified in the Works of the Greek and Gothic Architects (London, 1850).Google Scholar Winter, Robert W., ‘Fergusson and Garbett in American Architectural Theory’, JSAH, 17 (1958), pp. 25–30.Google Scholar

93 Adams, William Bridges, ‘Tension Chain-Net Floors and Roofs for Spans of 500 Feet’, The Builder, 10 (1852), p. 702 Google Scholar; Garbett, Edward Lacey, ‘A Sanitary and Fire-Proof Floor-Ceiling Giving the Architect No Work at All’, The Builder, 10 (1852), pp. 764–66.Google Scholar

94 Pickett, William Vose, ‘Quadrangle of British Museum’, Journal of the Society of Arts, 2 (1854), p. 291.Google Scholar

95 Werrett, Simon, ‘Potemkin and the Panopticon: Samuel Bentham and the Architecture of Absolutism in Eighteenth Century Russia’, Journal of Bentham Studies, 2 (1999), pp. 1–25 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Steadman, Philip, ‘The Contradictions of Jeremy Bentham’s Panopticon Penitentiary’, Journal of Bentham Studies, 9 (2007), pp. 1–31 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Steadman, Philip, ‘Samuel Bentham’s Panopticon’, Journal of Bentham Studies, 14 (2012), pp. 1–29.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

96 Nightingale, Florence, Notes on Hospitals (London, 1859), pp. 8–9.Google ScholarPubMed

97 King, Anthony, ‘Hospital Planning: Revised Thoughts on the Origin of the Pavilion System in England’, Medical History, 10 (1966), pp. 360–73 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Florence Nightingale, Notes on Hospitals: Third Edition Enlarged and for the Most Part Rewritten (London, 1863); For Galton, see, for example, Galton, Douglas, Herbert Hospital, Woolwich: Report to the Right Hon. The Earl de Grey and Ripon, Secretary of State for War, Descriptive of the Herbert Hospital at Woolwich (London, 1865).Google Scholar

98 Godwin, George, London’s Shadows, a Glance at the ‘Homes’ of the Thousand (London, 1854)Google Scholar; Godwin, George, Town Swamps and Social Bridges (London, 1859).Google Scholar Godwin published several articles written by Florence Nightingale in The Builder. She reproduced these in the ‘Appendix’ to the first (1858) edition of Notes on Hospitals, pp. 89–108 and Plates 1–4 (from The Builder, 28 August, 11 and 25 September 1858).

99 Jarzombek, Mark, ‘Corridor Spaces’, Critical Enquiry, 36 (2010), pp. 728–70.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

100 Ibid., p. 753.

101 Brownlee, David B., ‘“A Regular Mongrel Affair”: G.G. Scott’s Design for the Government Offices’, Architectural History, 28 (1985), pp. 159–82 and 184–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar, plan shown on pl. 4. See also Morris, Ellen K., ‘Symbols of Empire: Architectural Style and the Government Offices Competition’, Journal of Architectural Education, 32 (1978), pp. 8–13.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

102 ‘Design for the Proposed New Foreign Office and India Office’, The Builder, 17 (1859), pp. 535–37. A perspective of the scheme had been published in The Builder in 1857: ‘The Premiated Designs for the Government Offices’, The Builder, 15 (1857), pp. 494–95. The same drawing appeared in the Illustrated London News in ‘The New Government Offices’, Illustrated London News, 31 (1857), pp. 257–58: ‘Third Prize Design for Foreign Department (ScottGeorge Gilbert, F.S.A., Architect): Premium £ 300.’

103 ’The Premiated Designs for the Government Offices’, The Builder, 15 (1857), pp. 450–52.

104 Bremner, Alex, ‘Nation and Empire in the Government Architecture of Mid-Victorian London: The Foreign and India Office Reconsidered’, The Historical Journal, 48 (2005), pp. 703–42 (p. 728).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

105 ‘New Admiralty and War Offices. Selected Design by Messrs Leeming & Leeming’, The Building News, 47 (1884), un-paginated plate.

106 Brownlee, David B., ‘“To Agree Would be to Commit an Act of Artistic Suicide …”: The Revision of the Design for the Law Courts’, JSAH, 42 (1983), pp. 168–88.Google Scholar See also Port, M.H., ‘The New Law Courts Competition, 100 1866–67’, Architectural History, 11 (1968), pp. 75–93 and 113–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

107 Guadet, J., ‘Les Elements de la composition dans les édifices administratifs …’, in Elements et theorie de l’architecture …,4 vols (Paris, 1900c), II, pp. 406–31 Google Scholar; Curtis, Nathaniel Cortlandt, Architectural Composition (Cleveland, 1935), pp. 107–10.Google Scholar

108 For a plan and section of the Reform Club, see Civil Engineer and Architect’s journal, 3 (1840), pls 18–19. An earlier example of such a glazed courtyard was the Attingham Picture Gallery built by John Nash in 1807. See Hussey, Christopher, English Country Houses: Mid Georgian, 1760–1800 (London, 1986), pp. 195–202.Google Scholar

109 ‘The Museum of Economic Geology’, Illustrated London News, 12 (1948), p. 235; ‘The Museum of Economic Geology’, The Builder, 6 (1848), p. 559. For a contemporary plan of Deane and Woodward’s Oxford Museum, see Acland, Henry W. and Ruskin, John, The Oxford Museum (London, 1859), folding plate, facing p. 32.Google Scholar For a view of the interior of the glazed court, see ‘ Deane, Sir T. N. and Woodward, B.: The Oxford Museum’, Building News, 6 (1860), p. 271.Google Scholar

110 ’The Royal Exchange Roofing’, The Civil Engineer and Architects Journal, 14 (1851), p. 198.

111 For plan and section of Duban’s Cour vitrée in his Palais des Etudes at the Beaux Arts, see Guadet, Julien, Elements et theorie de l’Architecture, 4 vols (Paris 1900c), II, pp. 344–45.Google Scholar Duban planned the building with an open court in 1830. In 1863, he designed its glass roof. For Digby Wyatt’s India Office without the glazed court, see ‘The Courtyard of the India Office, Westminster’, The Builder, 25 (1867), pp. 781–83. For Wyatt’s design for the glazed roof over the court, see ‘The “Sultan’s Court,” New India Office’, The Architect, 7 (1872), p. 10.

112 See, for example, Boileau, L.C., ‘Les Plafonds Vitrées — Eclairage Horizontal. Eclairage Vertical’, L’Architecture, 3 (1890), pp. 159–65 Google Scholar; 4 (1891), pp. 53–57, 510–12, 533–36; 5 (1892), pp. 41–44.

113 Fergusson, Observations, p. 69.

114 For a discussion of mid-century attitudes and ideas on the hanging of paintings, see Charlotte, Klonk, ‘Mounting Vision: Charles Eastlake and the National Gallery of London’, The Art Bulletin, 82 (2000), pp. 331–47.Google Scholar

115 Accurate plans and sections of von Klenze’s Pinakothek, completed in 1836 had been published in Förster’s Allgemeine Bauzeitung in 1841. They were reproduced for a wider British public in J.W. Papworth & Wyatt Papworth, Museums, Libraries and Picture Galleries … (London, 1853), pp. 67–68, pl. 8 — von Klenze Pinakothek, Munich, plan and section.

116 Fergusson, Observations, p. 70.

117 Banham, Reyner, The Architecture of the Well-tempered Environment (London, 1969), pp. 75–84.Google Scholar

118 Bullen, J. B., ‘Alfred Waterhouse’s Romanesque “Temple of Nature”: The Natural History Museum, London’, Architectural History, 49 (2006), pp. 257–85.Google Scholar Capt. Francis Fowke’s plan is shown on p. 264, Alfred Waterhouse’s on p. 270.

119 For the role of Richard Owen, see Yanni, Carla, ‘Divine Display or Secular Science — Defining Nature at the Natural History Museum in London’, JSAH, 55 (1996), pp. 276–99.Google Scholar

120 Banham, Reyner, A Concrete Atlantis: U.S. Industrial Building and European Modern Architecture (Cambridge, Mass., 1986)Google Scholar; Bucci, Federico, Albert Kahn: Architect of Ford (Princeton, 1993)Google Scholar; Sigfried Giedion (introduction by Georgiades, Sokratis), Building in France, Building in Iron, Building in Ferroconcrete (Santa Monica, 1995)Google Scholar; Richards, J.M., The Functional Tradition in Early Industrial Buildings (London, 1958).Google Scholar

121 Werner Oechslin and Wilfred Wang (trans.), ‘Les Cinq Points d’une Architecture Nouvelle’, Assemblage, n. 4 (1987), pp. 82–93. Original typescript of manifesto published pp. 86–88. This text was sent to Alfred Roth in Stuttgart in connection with the Weissenhof exhibition who translated and published it as: Roth, Alfred, Zwei Wohnhauser von Le Corbusier und Pierre Jeanerret (Stuttgart, 1927).Google Scholar

3. LE PLAN LIBRE — Les pilotis se poursuivent jusqu’à la toiture, portant leurs planchers. Ils ne gênent aucunement la disposition des cloisons verticales qui sont différentes à chaque étage. II n’y a plus de murs portants, il y a des membranes légères et tous les étages sont différents les uns des autres.

LIBERTE ABSOLUE DU PLAN. De là, une économie considerable qui contrebalance facilement les prix plus élevés de la construction de ciment armé.

122 Banham, Reyner, Theory and Design in the First Machine Age (London, 1967), p. 262.Google Scholar

123 Blake, Peter, Mies van der Rohe: Architecture and Structure (London, 1963), p. 64.Google Scholar

124 Kim, Ransoo, ‘The Art of Building (Baukunst) of Mies van der Rohe’ (doctoral thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2006). This author makes it clear that, after extensive research, there is no record of van der Rohe ever mentioning the idea of ‘Universal Space’.Google Scholar

125 Levine, Neil, ‘“The Significance of Facts”: Mies’s Collages up Close and Personal’, Assemblage, 37 (1980), pp. 70–101 (p. 73).Google Scholar

126 Wilkinson, , Supersheds, pp. 48–49.Google Scholar

127 Giedion, , Space, Time and Architecture, p. 617.Google Scholar The chapter from which this quotation is taken did not appear in the various editions of the work printed between 1941 and 1949. In 1953, it appears in a new chapter: ‘Mies van der Rohe and the Integrity of Form’.

128 Archizoom Associates, ‘Non-Stop City Residential Park Climate Universal System’, Design Quarterly, 78/79(1970), pp. 17–21.

129 Superstudio, Cristiano Toraldo di Francia, Alessandro Magris, Roberto Magris, Piero Frassinelli and Adolfo Natalini, ‘Superstudio on Mindscapes’, Design Quarterly, 89 (1973), pp. 17–31 (p. 17).

130 Duffy, Frank, Office Landscaping: a New Approach to Office Planning (London, 1969)Google Scholar; Zalesny, Mary D. and Farace, Richard V., ‘Traditional versus Open Offices: a Comparison of Sociotechnical, Social Relations, and Symbolic Meaning Perspectives’, The Academy of Management Journal, 30 (1987), pp. 240–59 (p. 241).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

131 Nelson, George, ‘Introduction: Nelson, Eames, Girard, Probst: the Design Process at Herman Miller’, Design Quarterly, 98/99 (1975), pp. 6–9.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

132 Meel, Julliaan van, The European Office: Office Design and National Context (Rotterdam, 2000), pp. 89–91.Google Scholar

133 Wright, Frank Lloyd, Studies and Executed Buildings by Frank Lloyd Wright (London, 1986).Google Scholar Originally published as Wright, Frank Lloyd, Ausgeführte Bauten und Entwürfe von Frank Lloyd Wright (Berlin, 1910).Google Scholar

134 Giedion, Sigfried, Space, Time and Architecture: the Growth of a New Tradition (Cambridge, Mass., 1941), pp. 344–45.Google Scholar The quotation is taken from an enthusiastic description of the building made shortly after Giedion visited it as it was being completed. It was previously printed in his ‘The Dangers and Advantages of Luxury’, Focus, 3 (1939), pp. 34–39.

135 Nute, Kevin, ‘Frank Lloyd Wright and Japanese Architecture: a Study in Inspiration’, Journal of Design History, 7 (1994), pp. 169–85 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Turner, V., ‘Frank Lloyd Wright and the Young Le Corbusier’, JSAH, 42 (1983), pp. 350–59.Google Scholar