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The Habsburg Monarchy in Conflict with the Ottoman Empire, 1527–1593: A Clash of Civilizations
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 April 2015
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From 1527 until 1606, there was nearly constant fighting on the long frontier in Hungary and Croatia that divided the Ottoman Empire from the Habsburg monarchy. The conflict began when Sultan Suleiman the Lawgiver invaded Hungary in 1526 and defeated King Louis II Jagellio, who died trying to escape. Thereafter, Hungary was claimed by Suleiman, by Archduke Ferdinand of Austria, and by the vojvod of Transylvania, Janós Szapolyai. Apart from the “Long” Turkish War of 1593–1606, major invasions from either side were infrequent. The Habsburg monarchy and the Ottoman Empire also agreed to several multiyear treaties of peace, starting in 1547. When a treaty had elapsed, both powers usually accepted truces in the interim. Yet the 1547 Treaty of Edirne reflected the priorities of distant capitals. Emperor Charles V had to have calm in Hungary in order to pursue his plans against the Protestant Schmalkaldic League in Germany; Suleiman needed quiet in the west, so as to march east against Shi'ite Iran, the Ottoman Empire's main enemy. But neither Charles nor Suleiman required more than a semblance of peace in Hungary. Hence, Ferdinand, like his new adversary, the paşa or governor-general of Buda, had to deal with border garrisons eager for booty and angry subjects demanding retaliation. The counterpart of imperial peace was Kleinkrieg in Hungary and Croatia.
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References
1 By the Ottoman law of war, Suleiman's defeat of Louis II in open battle at Mohács made him king of Hungary: Fodor, Pál, “Ungarn und Wien in der osmanischen Eröberungsideologie (im Spiegel der Tarih-i Bec krali, 17en Jahrhundert),” in his In Quest of the Golden Apple. Imperial Ideology, Politics, and Military Administration in the Ottoman Empire (Istanbul, 2000), 45–70 Google Scholar, here 56–57.
2 Ferdinand based his claim not on the Habsburg-Jagellonian marriage treaties of 1506 and 1515, but on his election by a Hungarian Diet: Pálffy, Géza, The Kingdom of Hungary and the Habsburg Monarchy in the 16th Century, trans. , Thomas J. and DeKornfeld, Helen D. (Boulder, 2009), 31–50 Google Scholar; Winkelbauer, Thomas, Österreichische Geschichte 1522–1699. Ständefreiheit und Fürstenmacht. Länder und Untertanen des Hauses Habsburgs im Konfessionellen Zeitalter (2 vols., Vienna, 2003), IGoogle Scholar, 123–27.
3 The diet that elected Szapolyai (Székesféhervár, Oct. 1526) was better attended than the diet that elected Ferdinand (Pozsony [Posonia], Dec. 1526).
4 The term used by Austrian historians. Hungarian scholars, dating the conflict from 1591, call it the Fifteen Years' War. The term used by Turkish historians, the “Long War,” does not betray a particular vantage point, but it also conveys less information.
5 There were subsequent treaties in 1562, 1568, 1592, and 1591. Ernst Dieter Petritsch, “Die Ungarnpolitik Kaiser Ferdinands I bis zur Zeit seiner Tributpflichtigkeit an der hohen Pforte,” (PhD diss. University of Vienna, 1979); Müller, Ralf. C., “Der umworbene ‘Erbfeind’: Habsburgische Diplomatie an der hohen Pforte vom Regieriungsantritt Maximilians I bis zum ‘Langen Türkenkrieg,’” in Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburger Monarchie, ed. Kurz, Marlene, Vocelka, Karl, and Winkelbauer, Thomas (Vienna/Munich, 2005), 252–79Google Scholar; and Işikel, Günes, “Ottoman-Habsburg Relations in the Second Half of the 16th Century: The Ottoman Standpoint,” in Frieden und Konfliktmanagement in interkulturellen Räumen. Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburgermonarchie in der Frühen Neuzeit, ed. Strohmeyer, Arno, Spannenberger, Norbert, and Pech, Robert (Wiesbaden, 2013), 51–62 Google Scholar.
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16 A term I borrow from Pálffy, The Kingdom of Hungary, e.g., 18.
17 E.g., estates of this period not only consented to taxation, but also took responsibility for the ruler's debts: James Tracy, “Taxation and State Debt,” forthcoming in The Oxford World History, ed. Hamish Scott, vol. V.
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24 Pálffy, The Kingdom of Hungary, 35–37; other scholars have given higher numbers for the Ottoman army.
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36 In 1527, he was elected king by Bohemia's estates, in succession to his brother-in-law, Louis II Jagellio.
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38 Winkelbauer, Österreichische Geschichte, I, 488–490 (2,150,000 Rhine gulden). For a gulden-ducat ratio of 4 to 5, Ferdinand to Ban Hieronim Łaski, 13 July 1540, in Comitalia Regni Croatiae, Dalmatiae et Slavoniae. Hrvatski Saborski Spisi [Documents of the Croatian Estates], ed. Šišić, Ferdo, 3 vols. (Zagreb, 1912–1916)Google Scholar, hereafter abbreviated HSS, II, 298, Letter 196.
39 Inalcik, Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 82. (537,900,000 silver akçe); Darling, Linda T., Revenue Raising and Legitimacy: Tax Collection and Financial Administration in the Ottoman Empire, 1560–1660 (Leiden, 1996), 239: 183Google Scholar,000,000 akçe in cash income for 1560. In Venetian sources of these years, the reported ducat to akçe ratio is 1 to 50.
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53 Inalcik, “Decision-Making in the Ottoman Empire,” 10. The various corps of French officials acted in a corporate capacity when, for example, they brokered loans to the Crown: Potter, Mark, Corps and Clienteles. Public Finance and Political Change in France, 1688–1715 (Aldershot, 2003)Google Scholar.
54 Judges (kadis) and customs-collectors (emins) were appointed by the Porte, not by the governors.
55 E.g., Busbecq to Ferdinand, Buda, 12 Dec. 1554, HHST I 11 Konvolut 1, f. 201–204, describing the paşa of Buda as sensitive to the “murmur” of his “military prefects” [vojvods?]. Hasan Paşa Predojeviç, as sandçakbeg of Szeged in Hungary (to 1591), had a room in his palace for taking coffee with his officers: Biščević, Bosanski Namjesniki, nos. 70, 72–75; Pečevija, Ibrahim Alajbegović, Historija 1520–1640 [History 1520–1640], with an Introduction by Nemetak, Fehjim, 2 vols. (Sarajevo, 2000), IIGoogle Scholar, 105–6.
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68 Universitas of nobles (the sabor) to Ferdinand, s.l., 24 Feb. 1530, MOE I, 302–6; Jurečić, Katzianer, et al. to Ferdinand, Cetina, 1 Jan. 1527, MOE I, 86–88, and Cetina, 3 Jan. 1527, HSS I, Letter 47, 57–64.
69 For Varaždin: Ferdinand to Lukas Zeckel, Regensburg, 5 July 1541, MH III, Letter 82, 79, and to the Hungarian Chamber of Accounts, Pozsony, 9 Oct. 1543, MH III, Letter 165, 157–58; for Susjed and Stubica: Łaski to Ferdinand, Sempthe, 28 Sept. 1541, MH III, Letter 90, 86, and Ferdinand, letter patent of 18 Dec. 1542, MH III, Letter 126, 120–22.
70 Agreement with Zrinski, 18 Aug. 1544; Carniola to the Chapter, Ljubljana, 17 Aug. 1544; Ferdinand, letter patent, Worms, 26 Mar. 1545: MH III, Letters 191 (186–87), 187 (182–83), 206 (237).
71 Jurečić to Ferdinand, Zagreb, 20 Oct. 1527, HSS I, Letter 90, 137–40.
72 Jurečić to Ferdinand, Tschernembl, 22 Jan. 1537, HSS I, Letter 53, 78–80; Christoph Reuber et al. to the council of Lower Austria, Pozsony, 5 Mar. 1527, HSS I, Letter 58, 91.
73 The question as to whether Habsburg dynastic interests were compatible with Hungary's national interest has been a major theme in Hungarian historiography: Pálffy, The Kingdom of Hungary, chap. 1.
74 E.g., comments on Count Nikolas IV Zrinski in A. von Hollneckh to Katzianer, Graz, 21 Sept. 1530, MH I, Letter 452, 426–27; Hans Pühler to Ferdinand, Mihovljan, 5 June 1532, MH II, Letter 128, 112–13.
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80 Rauscher, Zwischen Ständen und Gläubigern, 78–94; Tracy, Emperor Charles V, 138–39.
81 Ferdinand was elected King of the Romans, heir-apparent to the imperial throne, in 1531: Kohler, Alfred, Ferdinand I, 1503–1564 (Munich, 2003), 199–206 Google Scholar, 258–64.
82 Fekete, Lájos, Buda and Pest under Turkish Rule (Budapest, 1976), 17–18 Google Scholar; Pál Fodor, “Ottoman Policy towards Hungary, 1520–1541,” in his In Quest of the Golden Apple, 105–69, here 144–57.
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84 Gábor Ágoston, Guns for the Sultan, 192–95. Ottoman fortified positions defended successfully included Prevesa in Greece, Obrovac in Dalmatia, and Osijek in Slavonia.
85 Pálffy, The Kingdom of Hungary, 48; Ferdinand to Charles V, Prague, 12 Aug. 1543, Simancas, Archivo de Simancas, Estado, 639, 47; and s.l., 18 Oct. 1543, Lanz, Korrespondenz, II, Letter 509, 396–97.
86 Response of the Diet to Ferdinand's legatio, end Nov. 1543, MOE, II, 529–34, here 533.
87 Tracy, Emperor Charles V, chap. 10.
88 Schulze, Winfried, Reich und Türkengefahr im späten 16en Jahrhundert (Munich, 1978), 88Google Scholar; for the rest of the century, Türkenhilfen were usually allocated to defense of the frontier.
89 van den Boogert, Maurits, Fleet, Kate, The Ottoman Capitulations. Text and Context (Rome, 2004)Google Scholar.
90 Ernst Dieter Petritsch, “Die Ungarnpolitik Ferdinands I.”
91 E.g., instructions for Vrančić and Zay, Vienna, 13 June 1553, HHST I 10 Konvolut 1, 49–65, here f.53v–54; instructions for Malvezzi, Vienna, 20 May 1554, HHST I 10 Konvolut 3, 173–86, here 178v–79; instructions for Busbecq, Vrančić, and Zay, Vienna, 14 Nov. 1555, HHSA I 12 Konvolut 1, f. 153–61, here f. 155v–57.
92 Ungnad to Nádasdy, in camp near Györ, 10 Oct. 1552, in Pray, Georgius, Epistolae Procerum Regni Hungariae [Letters of the Leading Men of the Kingdom of Hungary], 3 vols. (Pozsony, 1806)Google Scholar, Letter 137, II, 331–33. For events in Transylvania, Béla Makkai, Köpeczi László, Móczy, András, Szas, Zoltáán, eds., History of Transylvania., trans. Kopvrig, Bennett (Highland Lakes, NJ, 2010), 619–30Google ScholarPubMed.
93 Rauscher, “Kaiser und Reich,” 50.
94 Brady, German Histories, 231–37; Tracy, Emperor Charles V, chap. 11.
95 The electors of the Rhineland Palatinate, Brandenburg, and Saxony were Protestant. The other electoral princes were the prince-archbishops of Cologne, Mainz, and Trier and the king of Bohemia (Ferdinand himself).
96 In March 1558, he was “proclaimed” emperor in Frankfurt, after swearing to uphold the Peace of Augsburg: Kohler, Ferdinand I, 258–71. Never crowned by the pope, Ferdinand styled himself “elected emperor.”
97 E.g., subsidies with a nominal value of over 100,000 Rhine gulden a month for 1557–1559: Schulze, Reich und Türkengefahr im späten 16en Jahrhundert, 78; Rauscher, Zwischen Ständen und Gläubigern, 96.
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100 Above, note 16.
101 Wagner, Georg,“Maximilian II, der Wiener Hof, und die Belagerung von Sziget,” in Szigetvári Emlékkőnyv [Essays on Szigetvár], ed. Rúzsás, Lajos (Budapest, 1966), 237–68Google Scholar.
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103 Maximilian II to his ambassador, Karel Rijm, Vienna, 12 Apr. 1572, HHST, I, 28, Konvolut 4, f. 45.
104 Mathee, Rudi, “Anti-Ottoman Concerns and Caucasian Interests: Diplomatic Relations between Safavid Iran and Russia, 1587–1639,” in Safavid Iran and Her Neighbors, ed. Mazzaoui, Michael (Salt Lake City, 2003), 101–28Google Scholar, here 105–10.
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107 Šercer, “Vojna oprema i naroužanje u vrijeme bojeva kod Siska 1591–1593;” Biščević, Bosanski Namjesniki, nos. 70, 72–74. Above, note 4.
108 The copy at the Arhiv Republike Slavonija in Ljiubljana is cited above, note 26; there is also a copy at the Kriegsarchiv in Vienna.
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112 Based on figures in Rauscher, Zwischen Ständen und Gläubigern, 81–89, 93–96, 316–19.
113 Memorandum from Styria, 3 June 1577, DSK 170, 3rd folder, 6th document; Cerwinka, Günther, “Die Eroberung der Festung Kanisza durch die Türken im Jahre 1600,” in Novotny, Alexander, Sutter, Berthold, Innerösterreich 1564–1619 (Graz, 1967), 409–511 Google Scholar, here 414–15, 423.
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119 Ágoston, Guns for the Sultan, 25; Kelenik, Jóseph, “The Military Revolution in Hungary,” in Ottomans, Hungarians and Habsburgs in Central Europe, ed. David, Géza and Fodor, Pál (Leiden, 2000), 117–59Google Scholar.
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121 For Habsburg campaigns, see: the Regni Hungarici historia…libris XXXIV exacte descripta [History of the Kingdom of Hungary, Carefully Described in 34 Books] (Cologne, 1685)Google Scholar of Miklos Istvánffy (d. 1615), an adviser to Archduke Ernst. For Ottoman campaigns in the Balkans: Biščević, Bosanski Namjesniki.
122 Imber, The Ottoman Empire, 71–72; Niederkorn, Die europäische Mächte,” 499–502.
123 From 134,000 gulden to 405,000. DSK I, Zaporeda St. 169, Fascicule 101b, folder 1, document 31 (summary for Styria, July 1548), and documents 36 and 34.
124 Darling, Revenue-Raising and Legitimacy, 237–40.
125 Quoted by Martin Daunton, “The Politics of British Taxation from the Glorious Revolution to the Great War,” in Yun-Casalilla, Rise of Fiscal States, as cited in note 132, 111–44, here 111.
126 On an Ottoman deficit, Ottaviano Bon to the Senate, 30 Mar. 1605. Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Venice, “Dispacci dalli Ambasciatori da Cosztasntinopoli,” Filza 61, f. 54–60v.
127 Darling, Revenue-Raising and Legitimacy, 46; Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, II, 612
128 Finkel, The Administration of Warfare, 68–69, 261–64, 260 (the quote).
129 For such a loan in 1593: Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, II, 589; cf. II, 609–11.
130 Finkel, The Administration of Warfare, 239–40.
131 Tracy, “Taxation and State Debt,” forthcoming in The Oxford World History, ed. Hamish Scott, vol. 5.
132 Pamuk, Şevket, “The Evolution of Fiscal Institutions in the Ottoman Empire, 1500–1914,” in The Rise of Fiscal States: A Global History, ed. Casalilla, Bartolomé Yun and O'Brien, Patrick K. (Cambridge, 2012), 304–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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135 It is, for example, hard to find in the sixteenth century a real clash between the Latin-Christian West and the Orthodox East. Cf. Wolff, Larry, Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on the Mind of the Enlightenment (Stanford, 1994)Google Scholar.
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140 Tracy, James, “Reformed Perspectives on the Habsburg-Ottoman Conflict: Notes on the Correspondence of Beza, Bullinger, and Gwalther,” in Politics, Gender, and Belief. The Long-Term Impact of the Reformation, ed. Burnett, Amy Nelson, Comerford, Kathleen M., and Maag, Karin (Geneva, 2014), 73–92 Google Scholar; Jankovics, József, “The Image of the Turk in Hungarian Renaissance Literature,” in Europa und die Türken in der Renaissance, ed. Guthmüller, Bodo, Kühlmann, Wilhelm (Tübingen, 2000), 267–74Google Scholar.
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142 A point raised by a reader of this essay for the AHY, whom I thank for his or her comments.
143 Poumarède, Géraud, Pour en finir avec la Croisade. Mythes et réalités de la lutte contre les Turcs aux XVIe et XVII siècles (Paris, 2004), 34Google Scholar. I thank Prof. Poumarède for sending me a copy of his book.
144 Engel, the Realm of St. Stephen, chap. 18.
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152 On the code of jhad among akinci raiders of the fifteenth century: Teply, Karl, “Das Österreichische Türkenzeitalter,” in Abramowicz, Zygmunt et al. , Die Türkenkriege in der historischen Forschung (Vienna, 1983), 5–52 Google Scholar, here 10.
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154 Colin Heywood (n. 153) believes that the aim of advancing Islam's frontiers ceased only with the fixation of borders by the 1699 Treaty of Karlovac.
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161 Tracy, Emperor Charles V, chap. 7.
162 Ibid., 305–7.
163 James Tracy, “Wars of the European Continent, 1500–1650,” forthcoming in The Cambridge History of War, ed. David Potter and Arthur Waldron, vol. 3.
164 For Venice's reluctant acceptance of its status in an Italy dominated by Charles V: Gleason, Elizabeth, “Confronting New Realities: Venice and the Peace of Bologna, 1530,” in Venice Reconsidered: The History and Civilization of an Italian City-State, ed. Martin, John and Romano, Dennis (Baltimore, 2000), 168–84Google Scholar.
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169 Holger Graef, “‘Erbfeind der Christenheit’ oder potentieller Bündnispartner? Das Osmanenreich in dem europäischen Machtssystem des 16en und 17en Jahrhunbdert,” in Osmanische Reich und Habsburgermonarchie, ed. Kurz et al., 37–51, here 39; Rodinson, Maxime, Europe and the Mystique of Islam (London, 1987), 32–33 Google Scholar, as cited by Neumann, Uses of the Other, 46.
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173 Poumarède, Pour en finir avec la Croisade, 625–27.
174 The Clash of Civilizations, 45.
175 Neumann, Uses of the Other, 44, suggests that while the Saracen was the Other for medieval Christendom, the Ottoman was the Other for a subsequent Europe.
176 E.g., on Venice's role in the Fourth Crusade: Madden, Thomas F., ed., The Fourth Crusade: Event, Aftermath, and Perceptions (Aldershot, 2008)Google Scholar.
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179 Poumarède, Pour en finir avec la Croisade, 619, referring back to Part I of his book.
180 Poumarède, Pour en finir avec la Croisade, 397–403, 620; cf. Eric Dursteler, “Revolt and Religion in Early Modern Dalmatia,” paper read at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference, New Orleans, Oct. 2014. I thank Prof. Dursteler for a copy of his paper.
181 Meserve, Margaret, Empires of Islam in Renaissance Historical Thought (Cambridge, 2008)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chap. 2; Bisaha, Nancy, Creating East and West: Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks (Philadelphia, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; the quote, 62.
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183 Poumarède, Pour en finir avec la Croisade, 69–73.
184 Rudolf Willem Maria Zweder van Martels, Augerius Busbecquius. Leven en Werk van het Keizerlijke Gezant aan het Hof van Suleyman de Grote [Augerius Busbecquius. Life and Works of the Imperial Ambassador to the Court of Suleyman the Magnificent] (PhD diss., University of Groningen, 1989).
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187 Quoted by Malettke, “Die Vorstösse des Osmanen im 16en Jahrhundert aus französischer Sicht,” 390.
188 Winkelbauer, Österreichische Geschichte 1522–1699, I, 424.
189 A process better studied for Bavaria: Dollinger, Heinz, Studien zu den Finanzreform Maximilians I von Bayern in den Jahren 1598–1618. Ein Beitrag zur geschichte des Frühabsolutismus (Göttingen, 1968)Google Scholar.
190 Pörtner, The Counter-Reformation in Central Europe.
191 Tezcan, Baki, The Second Ottoman Empire: Political and Social Transformation in the Early Modern World (Cambridge, 2010), 50–56 Google Scholar, 96–107; Peirce, Leslie P., The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire (New York, 1993)Google Scholar.
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196 For examples of cross-border cooperation during this period: Stein, Guarding the Frontier.
197 A view advocated in the popular account by: Feigl, Erich, Halbmond und Kreuz. Marco d'Aviano und die Rettung Europas (Vienna/Munich, 1993)Google Scholar.
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200 Marlene Kurz, “Österreich in der osmanischen Historiographie,” in Das Osmanische Reich und die Habsburgermonarchie, ed. Kurz et al., 53–65 (the quote, in my translation, 59).
201 Finkel, Osman's Dream, chap. 13.
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206 Ocker, “Medieval Reforms that Matter,” paper read at the Sixteenth Century Studies Conference, New Orleans, Oct. 2014. I thank Prof. Ocker for a copy of his paper.
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