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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 February 2009
The riots that took place in Vienna in July, 1927, and the unsuccessful strikes that followed them came to be regarded almost immediately as a turning point in the history of Austria's first republic. In a flash, the Social Democratic Party, which had made the best relative showing in the parliamentary elections in April of that year, was thrown on the defensive, while within a few months the governing anti-socialist groups dominated by the Christian Social Party began to gather their forces for a vigorous political offensive. In the forefront of the anti-socialist drive stood the various paramilitary Heimwehren, which had played a leading role in foiling the nationwide strikes in July. Capitalizing on the widespread fear that the socialist leaders were preparing to wage violent class warfare, the Heimwehr leaders rapidly expanded their provincial organizations and used them as militarized pressure groups. They sought to depict the Heimwehr as a popular movement that would save Austria's traditional social order by enabling—or forcing—the “bourgeois” parliamentarians to stand firm against the socialists.
1 The names of the provincial organizations varied. The terms Heimatdienst (Home Service), Selbstschutzverband (Self-Defense League), Heimwehr or Heimatwehr (Home Guard), and Heimatschutzverband (Home Defense League) were all used. When referring to specific provincial organizations, I will generally use the appropriate German names, as nearly according to contemporary usage as possible. When referring to the movement in general or to. Heimwehr confederations or organizations, I will use the name Heimwehr (even in instances where they had other titles, such as the Selbstschutzverbände); however, when speaking of several provincial units as autonomous groups I will use the plural term “Heimwehren.” Unfortunately, I have found it impossible to be consistent in every case. The Social Democratic paramilitary organization will be referred to as the Schutzbund.
2 See Kerekes, Lajos, “Die ‘Weisse Allianz’. Bayrisch-österreichischungarische Projekte gegen die Regierung Renner im Jahre 1920,” Österreichische Osthefte, Vol. VII, No. 5 (09, 1965), pp. 353–366.Google Scholar See also Wulf Schmidt-Wulffen, “Das Burgenland und die deutsche Politik 1918–1921,” ibid., Vol. XI, No. 5 (September, 1969), pp. 270–287.
3 See his Austria from Habsburg to Hitler (2 vols., Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1948), Vol. I, pp. 129–133.Google Scholar
4 See his “Austria,” in Woolf, Stuart J. (ed.), European Fascism (New York: Vintage Books, 1969), p. 90.Google Scholar
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6 Prince Ernst Rüdiger Starhemberg describes the occurrence of such an incident in Linz in his Between Hitler and Mussolini (New York: Harper, 1942), pp. 5–6Google Scholar; and in his Memoiren (Vienna: Amalthea Verlag, 1971), p. 40.Google Scholar
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9 notable example occurred at the time of the Kapp putsch in Germany, when a rightist delegation vainly attempted to enlist the aid of the German minister in Austria for a coup d'état. The British high commissioner in Austria, F. O. Lindley, wrote Lord Curzon on March 19, 1920, that Minister Frederic von Rosenberg refused to receive the Austrians. Public Record Office (London), Foreign Office, Ser. 371, Reference 3536, Paper 187,077. See also Lindley to Curzon, Vienna, June 6, 1920 (confidential), enclosing reports by Colonel F. W. Gossett, chief of the British delegation to the Inter-Allied Military Commission, Vienna, May 29,1920, and by Lieutenant-Colonel T. M. Cunninghame, British military attaché, Vienna, June 4, 1920, ibid., Ser. 371, Reference 3538, Paper C20,303; and Lindley to Curzon (confidential), Vienna, July 10, 1920, ibid., Ser. 371, Reference 4648, Paper C1429. In the second letter Lindley expressed his belief that the Christian Social politicians involved in these schemes were primarily concerned with creating a reliable armed force to support them in case they won an electoral victory.
10 Kerekes, Lajos, “Italien, Ungarn und die Österreichische Heimwehrbewegung 1928–1931,” Österreich in Geschichte und Literatur, Vol. IX, No. 1 (01, 1965), pp. 2–3Google Scholar; Kerekes, , “Die ‘Weisse Allianz,’” pp. 355–368Google Scholar; Schmidt-Wulffen, , “Das Burgenland und die deutsche Politik 1918–1921,” pp. 274–276.Google Scholar See also Kerekes, Lajos, “Akten des ungarischen Ministeriums des Äusseren zur Vorgeschichte der Annexion Österreichs,”. Acta Historica. Journal of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Vol. VII, No. 3–4 (1960), pp. 358–359.Google Scholar
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12 Kanzler, Rudolf, Bayerns Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus, Geschichte der bayrischen Einwohnerwehren (Munich: Verlag Parcus & Co., 1931), pp. 89–92.Google Scholar For the text of the resolution see p. 246.
13 German consulate (Gebsattel) to foreign ministry, Innsbruck, October 20, 1921, Politisches Archiv des Deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes (Bonn), Abteilung II, Politik 2, No. 3 (Heimwehrorganisation in Österreich), Vol. I (1920–1926).Google Scholar
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15 There is some confusion about Pabst's rank. In Austria he was always known as “Herr Major,” and Harold J. Gordon, Jr., reports that in July, 1919, Pabst was eased out of the army “with a terminal promotion to rank of major.” See Gordon, , The Reichswehr and the German Republic, 1919–1986 (Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1957), pp. 97–98.Google Scholar However, Gustav Noske contended that he did not promote Pabst before retiring him from active duty. See his Von Kiel bis Kapp. Zur Geschichte der deutschen Revolution (Berlin: Verlag für Politik und Wirtschaft, 1920), p. 200.Google Scholar When in 1929 the German government cut off Pabst's pension on the ground that he was no longer a citizen—a ruling that Pabst successfully contested—he was still officially referred to as a captain, although by that time the German consul in Innsbruck had accepted his self-styled promotion to major. See relevant documents from late 1929 and early 1930 in Politisches Archiv des Deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes (Bonn), Abteilung II, Politik 2, No. 3 (Heimwehrorganisation in Österreich), Vol. III (September 20, 1929–December 1, 1931).Google Scholar
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20 Kanzler, , Bayerns Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus, pp. 101–102Google Scholar; Kerekes, , “Italien, Ungarn und die Österreichischen Heimwehrbewegung,” p. 3Google Scholar; German legation in Vienna to foreign ministry, September 16, 1920, Politisches Archiv des Deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes (Bonn), Abteilung II, Politik 2, No. 3 (Heimwehrorganisation in Österreich), Vol. I (1920–1926).Google Scholar The German legation's report was based on information provided by an “apparently well informed” Austrian officer and on Colonel de Ligny's report on armed formations in Austria.
21 Kanzler, , Bayerns Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus, p. 104Google Scholar; notes on comments by Dr. Escherich to representatives of the Austrian selfdefense leagues, Munich, July 25, 1920, Politisches Archiv des Deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes (Bonn), Abteilung II, Politik 2, No. 3 (Heimwehrorganisation in Österreich), Vol. I (1920–26).Google Scholar
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25 German consulate to foreign ministry, Innsbruck, September 21, 1920, ibid.
26 Rosenberg to foreign ministry (telegram), Vienna, November 11, 1920, ibid.; Lindley to Curzon, Vienna, November 29, 1920, with a copy of a report by Gossett, Vienna, November 19, 1920, Public Record Office (London), Foreign Office, Ser. 371, Reference 4641, Paper C12,430; Lindley to foreign office (telegram), Vienna, November 30, 1920, ibid., Paper 012,686; Lindley to Curzon, Vienna, December 2, 1920, with a copy of a report by Gossett, Vienna, November 30, 1920, ibid., Paper 013,025; Lindley to Curzon (confidential), Vienna, January 11, 1921, ibid., Ser. 404/3, pp. 6–10; Inter-Allied Control Commission in Austria, Liquidation Office, to the Federal Chancellor and Minister for Foreign Affairs (translated into German), Vienna, June 29, 1921, which recounts orders and inquiries dating from December 15, 1920, Allgemeines Verwaltungsarchiv des Österreichischen Staatsarchivs (Vienna) (hereafter cited as “Verwaltungsarchiv [Vienna]”), Bundesministerium für Inneres und Unterricht, No. 164, 760/1921; decree of section 7 of the federal ministry of interior to all provincial governments, Vienna, July 8, 1921, ibid. In the preliminary draft of the last decree a much harder line was taken towards the paramilitary groups than in the mild version which was actually sent to the provincial governments.
27 German legation (Von Schoen) to foreign ministry, Vienna, January 23, 1921, Politisches Archiv des Deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes (Bonn), Abteilung II, Politik 2, No. 3 (Heimwehrorganisation in Österreich), Vol. I (1920–1926).Google Scholar
28 It should be noted in passing that a year earlier Seipel had made a similar request of the Hungarian minister in Vienna.
29 Theo Russell to Curzon (confidential), Bern, March 4, 1921, with the copy of a memorandum by Lieutenant-Colonel C. C. F. Oppenheim, Public Record Office (London), Foreign Office, Ser. 371, Reference 5770, Paper C4855.
30 Gulya, Katalin, “Die Westungarische Frage nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg. Das Burgenland und die Politik der ungarischen Regierungen 1918–1921,” Österreichische Osthefte, Vol. VIII, No. 2 (03, 1966), pp. 97 and 100, n. 26Google Scholar; Kerekes, , “Italien, Ungarn und die Österreichischen Heimwehrbewegung,” p. 3.Google Scholar See also Gulick, , Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, Vol. I, pp. 128–129.Google Scholar
31 The point of origin of the Bavarian subsidies for the Tyrol at this time is not entirely clear. In January, 1921, Steidle told the German consul that he received no financial aid from Bavaria, but a year later the new consul wrote that a “reliable source” had reported that the Bavarian subsidy had been cut off. See Külmer to foreign ministry, Innsbruck, January 26, 1921, Politisches Archiv des Deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes (Bonn), Abteilung II, Politik 2, No. 3 (Heimwehrorganisation in Österreich), Vol. I (1920–1926)Google Scholar; Kuenzer to foreign ministry, Innsbruck, February 21, 1921, ibid. One may conclude that sometime during 1921 the Tyrolese received money from Bavarian contributors. However, in his informative dissertation Ludgar Rape asserts that Kanzler provided direct subsidies for organizational and propaganda purposes only to right-wing groups in Salzburg (a total of 142,000 marks in 1920) and Styria (12,000 marks for its nationalistic groups). Other provinces got help in the form of salaries for the Organisation Kanzler staff (a total of 41,000 marks monthly). Thus, during much of 1921 the staff chiefs of Salzburg and the Tyrol shared nearly 7,000 marks monthly. See Ludgar Rape, “Die Österreichische Heimwehr und ihre Beziehungen zur bayrischen Rechten zwischen 1920 und 1923” (unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of Vienna, 1968), pp. 247–249.
32 Müller to foreign ministry, Graz, October 7, 1921, Politisches Archiv des Deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes (Bonn), Abteilung II, Politik 2, No. 3 (Heimwehrorganisation in Österreich), Vol. I (1920–1926)Google Scholar; Österreichisches Heimatschutz-Jahrbuch 1933, pp. 58–60Google Scholar; interview with Pfrimer at Judenburg on June 23, 1963; Pauley, Bruce, “Hahnenschwanz and Swastika: The Styrian Heimatschutz and Austrian National Socialism, 1918–1934” (unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of Rochester, 1966), p. 55Google Scholar; Kanzler, , Bayerns Kampf gegen den Bolschewismus, pp. 105–106 and 248.Google Scholar
33 Much of Rape's long dissertation, cited in n. 31, deals with the extremely complicated struggle between the various paramilitary organizations in Bavaria for control of the Austrian Heimwehren. His well-researched work is based primarily on illuminating documents which he found in the Organisation Kanzler records in the Politisches Archiv des Deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes for 1920–1921; in the records of the Bund Bayern und das Reich in the Kriegsarchiv in Munich; and in the Colonel Max Bauer Nachlaß in the Deutsches Bundesarchiv at Koblenz. The material in the next five paragraphs is based on Rape's dissertation, especially pp. iii–iv, 259, and 404–556.
34 Por Steidle's proposed budget, see Steidle to Seipel, Innsbruck, July 10, 1922, Archiv der Bundes Polizeidirektion (Vienna), Schober Archiv, Fasc. Heimwehr. Steidle requested only 20,000,000 crowns for Vienna and Lower Austria. However, Rape reports that 30,000,000 crowns were allotted to these two provinces; his source is a report by Captain von Oberwurzer, Vienna, July 15, 1922, in the Bauer Nachlaß. See Rape, , “Die österreichische Heimwehr und ihre Beziehungen zur bayrischen Rechten zwischen 1920 und 1923,” p. 448.Google Scholar
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38 Report by Colonel de Ligny, included in Lindley to Curzon, Vienna, January 11, 1921, Public Record Office (London), Foreign Office, Ser. 404/3, p. 11.Google Scholar
39 Deutsch, Julius, Antifaschismus! Proletarische Wehrhaftigkeit im Kampfe gegen den Faschismus (Vienna: Verlag der Wiener Volksbuchhandlung, 1926)Google Scholar, passim; Gulick, , Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, Vol. I, pp. 132–133Google Scholar; interview with Dr. Julius Deutsch at Bad Hall on July 23, 1963.
40 Heimatschutz in Österreich, pp. 160–171.Google Scholar
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46 Albert Henry Washburn, the United States minister to Austria from 1922 to 1930, was told “in strictest secrecy” about Rintelen's complicated maneuvers to gain Mussolini's support by Camillo Castiglioni, an Italian war profiteer and entrepreneur living in Vienna, who claimed that he got in touch with Mussolini on Rintelen's behalf. Washburn found “much in this story to credit.” See Washburn to secretary of state (confidential), Vienna, August 31, 1927, National Archives (Washington, D. C.), Records of the Department of State, No. 863.00/167. For other evidence of Rintelen's machinations in the first part of 1927, see Nemes, D., “‘Die österreichische Aktion’ der Bethlen-Regierung,” Acta Historica. Journal of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Vol. XI, No. 1–4 (1965), pp. 191–192.Google Scholar
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49 G-2 report, Vienna, June 5, 1925, National Archives (Washington, D. C.), Records of the War Department, General and Special Staffs, Military Intelligence Division, Record Group No. 165 (military attaché reports), Doc. No. 2657–FF–122/2.
50 ibid. About the agreement concerning the Burgenland, see Schneidmadl, Heinrich, “Der Weg zur Katastrophe. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des 12. Februar 1934” (Vienna, 1959)Google Scholar (typescript in the Stadtarchiv of St. Pölten), p. 1. See also Goldinger, , “Der geschichtliche Ablauf der Ereignisse in Österreich von 1918 bis 1945,” p. 152.Google Scholar
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53 Report of Major W. W. Hicks, Vienna, June 12, 1928, National Archives (Washington, D. C.) Records of the War Department, General and Special Staffs, Military Intelligence Division, Record Group No. 165, Doc. No. 2540–150/1.
54 Lord Chilston to Sir Austin Chamberlain, Vienna, July 14 and 20, 1926, Public Record Office (London), Foreign Office, Ser. 371, Reference 11,212, Papers C8052 and C8347.
55 Saller, to Zech, (private), Innsbruck, 08 12, 1926Google Scholar, Politisches Archiv des Deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes (Bonn), Abteilung II, Politik 2, No. 3 (Heimwehrorganisation in Österreich), Vol. I (1920–1926).Google Scholar
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62 Haniel to foreign ministry (confidential), Munich, January 26 and February 3, 1927, ibid.; Wallraf to foreign ministry (confidential), Munich, January 28, 1927, ibid.; foreign ministry memoranda by Zech, Berlin, January 22 and February 3, 1927, ibid.; Zech, to Sailer, (private), Berlin, 01 28, 1927Google Scholar, ibid.; Saller, to Zech, , Innsbruck, 02 4, 1927Google Scholar, ibid.; Lerchenfeld to foreign ministry, Vienna, February 22, 1927, Politisches Archiv des Deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes (Bonn), Abteilung II, Politik 2, No. 3 (Heimwehrorganisation in Österreich, Vol. II (January 1, 1927–September 19, 1929).Google Scholar
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69 On this point, see Gulick, , Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, Vol. I, p. 713.Google Scholar
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72 Steidle's speech aa published in ibid., No. 14 (July 14, 1927), pp. 1–6.
73 The story of these tragic events has been exhaustively told. See, for example, Gulick, , Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, Vol. I, pp. 717–771Google Scholar; Goldinger, , “Der geschichtliche Ablauf der Ereignisse in Österreich von 1918 bis 1945,” pp. 153–155Google Scholar; and Gedye, G. E. R., Betrayal in Central Europe (New York: Harper, 1939), pp. 21–28.Google Scholar
74 Saller to foreign ministry, Innsbruck, July 23, 1927, Politisches Archiv des Deutschen Auswärtigen Amtes (Bonn), Abteilung II, Politik 2, No. 3 (Heimwehrorganisation in Österreich), Vol. II (January 1, 1927–September 19, 1929).Google Scholar See also Austria, , Stenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Nationalrates, 3 Gesetzgebungsperiode, Vol. I, 07 27, 1927, pp. 223–229 and 236–238.Google Scholar
75 Interview with Pfrimer at Judenburg on June 23,1963. Pfrimer complained that Franz Winkler, the Landbund leader, tried to get him to be less intransigent. See also Rintelen, , Erinnerungen an Österreichs Weg, pp. 137–138Google Scholar; Gulick, , Austria from Habsburg to Hitler, Vol. I, p. 749Google Scholar; and Reichspost (Vienna), 07 21, 1927, p. 3.Google Scholar For the testimony of two socialists who were present at the meetings with Pfrimer in Graz on July 17, 1927, see Arbeiter-Zeitung, 09 6, 1928, p. 2.Google Scholar Franz Winkler maintained that the Styrian Heimwehr (as distinguished from the Heimatschutz) also mobilized. See his account in the Neue Freie Presse, 06 21, 1929 (morning edition), p. 6.Google Scholar See also Neue Freie Presse, 11 19, 1929 (morning edition), p. 4Google Scholar; Heimatschutz in Österreich, pp. 122–123Google Scholar; and Austria, , Stenographische Protokolle über die Sitzungen des Nationalrates, 3. Gesetzgebungsperiode, Vol. I, 07 27, 1927, pp. 213–223.Google Scholar
76 See Washburn to secretary of state (confidential), Vienna, August 31, 1927, National Archives (Washington, D. C.), Records of the State Department, No. 863.00/167. Castiglione told the American minister that Rintelen had taunted him by insisting that if his “proposal of two years ago had been adopted the 15th day of July would never have happened.”
77 Interview with Pfrimer at Judenburg on June 23, 1963. Even the sophisticated Viennese political observer Eduard Ludwig contends that Seipel did not take full advantage of his opportunity to make thorough changes. See his Österreichs Sendung im Donauraum. Die letzten Dezennien Österreichischer Innen- und Aussenpolitik (Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Staatsdruckerei, 1954), p. 61.Google Scholar
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82 Neue Freie Presse, 07 23, 1927 (morning edition), p. 5.Google Scholar
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84 Works not previously cited that bear on the developments mentioned in this and the following paragraphs are Kerekes, Lajos, Abenddämmerung einer Demokratie. Mussolini, Gömbös und die Heimwehr (Vienna: Europa Verlag, 1966)Google Scholar; Jedlicka, Ludwig, “Zur Vorgeschichte des Korneuburger Eides,” Österreich in Geschichte und Literatur, Vol. VII, No. 4 (04, 1963), pp. 146–153Google Scholar; Schweiger, Franz, “Geschichte des niederösterreichischen Heimwehr von 1928 bis 1930” (unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, University of Vienna, 1964)Google Scholar; Haag, John J., “Othmar Spann and the Politics of ‘Totality’: Corporatism in Theory and Practice” (unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Rice University, 1969), especially pp. 102–111Google Scholar; Edmondson, C. Earl, “The Heimwehr and Austrian Politics, 1918–1934” (unpublished Ph. D. dissertation, Duke University, 1966)Google Scholar, especially Chapters III–VI; and Pauley, Bruce F., Hahnenschwanz und Hakenkreuz. Steirischer Heimatschutz und österreichischer Nationalsozialismus 1918–1998 (Vienna: Europa Verlag, 1972), pp. 47–80.Google Scholar
85 For a contrary assertion, see Jedlicka, , “The Austrian Heimwehr,” p. 134.Google Scholar See also Wandruszka, , “Österreichs politische Struktur,” pp. 364–366.Google Scholar