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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 April 2015
The dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in the fall of 1918 inaugurated a period of rapid change in East Central Europe. Independent Hungary, which emerged as one of the “successor states” to the Dual Monarchy, experienced two revolutions in ten months. However, neither the democratic regime, born in the October Revolution of 1918, nor the more radical Council Republic, founded in March 1919, was able to solve the country's pressing economic and social problems and defend its sovereignty. The collapse of the Council Republic and the occupation of Budapest and the eastern half of the country by the Romanian Army in early August 1919 provoked a right-wing reaction. The next seven months experienced a rapid rise in paramilitary and mob violence. The militias targeted the supporters of the Left, poor workers, and peasants, as well as apolitical and middle-class Jews. Political violence in the second half of 1919 and the early 1920s took the lives of between fifteen hundred and five thousand people in Hungary. The rise of paramilitary and mob violence was part of a larger European phenomenon. From Germany to Turkey, and from Hungary to Poland and the Baltic states, paramilitary groups played a major role in establishing borders and shaping the postwar social and political order domestically.
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32 On Makkai's political career and his role in the persecution of the Jews: Ungváry, Krisztián, A Horthy-Rendszer Mérlege: Diszkrimináció, Szociálpolitia És Antiszemitizmus Magyarországon [The Balance of the Horthy Regime: Discrimination, Social Policy and Anti-Semitism in Hungary] (Pécs/Budapest, 2012)Google Scholar, 169, 184, 188, 192, 216, 271–72. 377, 382.
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35 For the use of this term as the main characteristic of Fascism, see: Griffin, Roger, The Nature of Fascism (London, 1991), 26–28.Google Scholar
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37 Gábor Gyáni, in a thought-provoking article, has recently argued that the conservative regime in Hungary underwent a substantial change in the 1930s to become an etatist dictatorship during the war. Wolfgang Wipperman, on the other hand, has described interwar Hungary, along with Romania, Yugoslavia, and Greece, as a monarchical distatorship. Both authors emphasize the difference between Nazism and Fascism, on the one hand, and the rest of the authoritarian and Fascist regimes in Europe, on the other. However, both definitions contain at least two contradictions. Dictatorship cannot be anything but etatist. On the other hand, kingship, as Max Weber explained, represents a traditional form of domination. See: Gyáni, Gábor, “Társadalom és Sociálpolitika,” [Society and Social Policy] in Gróf Bethlen István és kora [Count István Bethlen and His Era], ed. Nagy, Zsejke (Budapest, 2014), 97–107 Google Scholar, here 99. See also: Püski, Levente, “Demokrácia és diktatúra között. A Horthy-rendszer jellegéről,” [Between Democracy and Dictatorship. The Nature of the Horthy Regime] in Mítoszok, legendák, tévhitek a 20. századi magyar történelemről [Myths, Legends and Misconceptions about Hungarian History in the Twentieth Century], ed. Romsics, Ignác (Budapest, 2002), 206–33Google Scholar. On monarchical dictatorhip, see: Wippermann, Wolfgang, Faschismus (Darmstadt, 2009), 146–67.Google Scholar
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43 For the destruction of the statues, see: Pótó, János, Az emlékezés helyei: Emlékművek és politika [Places of Memory: Memorials and Politics] (Budapest, 2003), 50–51.Google Scholar
44 Known locally as “Iron Mary” (Vasmarcsa), the intimidating statue of a female warrior, a typical example of this form of political art, stood next to Cifrapalota (Gaudy Palace), a beautiful secessionist building, in Kecskemét between 1959 and 1991. The statue was dedicated to the memory of the victims of the White Terror. Unsurprisingly, local inhabitants failed to perceive any connection between the monument and what had happened in their town and its vicinity in 1919. The statue remained a symbol of Communist repression after 1956 and thus an abomination to the majority of the population. See: http://kecskemeten.hu/nagyapaink-naplojabol/Reflektorfenyben-Vasmarcsa-Lenin-es-toebbiek.
45 On Andics's career, see: Romsics, Ignác, Clio Bűvöletében: Magyar történetírás a 19–20 században—nemzetközi kitekintéssel [Under Clio's Spell: Hungarian Historiography in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries—In Its International Context] (Budapest, 2011), 356–57Google Scholar; 370–77.
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48 See: Markovits, Györgyi, Magyar Pokol. A magyarországi fehérterror betiltott és üldözött kiadványok tükrében [The Hungarian Hell: The Hungarian White Terror in the Mirror of Proscribed and Forbidden Publications] (Budapest, 1964)Google Scholar; Szabó, Ágnes and Pamlényi, Ervin, eds., A határban a halál kaszál: fejezetek Prónay Pál feljegyzéseiből [The Death Is among Us: Chapters from Pál Prónay's Diary] (Budapest, 1963)Google Scholar; and Borsányi, György, ed., Zadravecz páter titkos naplója [The Secret Diary of Father Zadravecz] (Budapest, 1967).Google Scholar
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64 See: Béla Bodó, “The Memory of the White Terror and the Rise of the Radical Right in Hungary, 1990–Present.” Forthcoming.
65 Pál Prónay, “Tótprónai és Blatniczai Prónay Pál alezredes naplójegyzetei az 1921. év szeptember 1–től 1922. év végéig lefolyt fontosabb eseményekre vonatkozólag” [Notes in the Diary of Deputy Colonel Pál Prónay von Tótpróna and Blatnicza Dealing with the Events That Had Taken Place between 21 September 1921 and the End of 1922], ÁBTL, 4.1. A-738, 422/16 (2/1), 333–37.
66 Bálint, ed., A Rongyos Gárda Harcai, 11–17.
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71 The goals of the conspirators were to grab power, establish a military dictatorship, and institute important social, including land, reforms. The conspirators wanted to occupy the military bases and police headquarters in Budapest, arrest the members of the governments, and send a delegation to Horthy requesting that a new government be appointed on the basis of a prepared list. The conspirators included many members of the Prónay and Héjjas detachments, such as Árpád Raád, Endre Kürti, Ferenc Gy. Molnár, and Mihály Francia Kiss. Additional support came from the ÉME and the Turan Hunters (Turáni Vadászok), an irredentist and anti-Communist organization (headed ironically by Horthy's son, István). The conspirators hoped to lead a peasant army recruited in Kecskemét and vicinity against the capital. In Budapest, they sought to obtain the support of the poorest section of the population. The conspiracy was very poorly organized and barely went beyond the planning stage. See: “Méltóságos Főkapitány Úr” [Dear Police Captain], Memorandum, 5 Dec. 1931 in Vannay Puccs [Vannay Conspiracy], ÁBTL, A-718.
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79 Prónay Pál, “Ellenforradalmi naplójegyzeteim 1918–1921,” [Notes from My Diary Prepared during the Counterrevolution] ÁBTL 4.1. A-738/1, 451.
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84 Debreceni Rendőrfőkapitányság. Nagy Béla. Feljelentés [Denunciation]. Január 28, 1946, Budapest City Archive (Fővárosi Levéltár or FL), Héjjas és társai, BpNb VII 5e 20630/49, 58–59.
85 Haraszti, ed., Vallomások a holtak házából, 184.
86 Perneki, Mihály, Shvoy Kálmán titkos naplója és emlékirata, 1918–1945 [The Secret Diary and Memoirs of Kálmán Shvoy] (Budapest, 1983), 235–37Google Scholar; Fekete Iván. Kormányzóhelyettes-választás 1941/42 telén [Ivan Fekete. Report. The Election of the Deputy Regent in the Winter of 1941/1942], 11 Sept. 1948, in Vallomások a holtak házából, ed. Haraszti, 428–29.
87 Iván Fekete. Jelentés. Kisegítő Karhatalmak Felállítása 1943–ban [Ivan Fekete. Report. The Setting up of Auxiliary Units in 1943], 13 Sept. 1948, in Vallomások a holtak házából, ed. Haraszti, 296–300; 438–39.
88 “Nagy.” Informer's Report. 19 Aug. 1959. Subject: Dr. Béla (Böllér) Somogyi. Dr. Somogyi Béla és társai [Dr. Béla Somogyi and His Accomplices], ÁBTL. 21.9.V-55004.
89 Iván Héjjas. Ítélet [Verdict]. 13 May 1947. Bp-I NB IV.132/1947-5. sz. ítélet. 20630/49/III, Ítéletek [Verdicts]. FL, Héjjas és társai Bp. Nb VII5e 20630/49, pp. 1582–1589.
90 On Héjjas's life and career, see: Béla Bodó, “Iván Héjjas: The Life of a Counterrevolutionary,” East Central Europe/L' Europe du Centre-Est, Vol. 37 (2010).
91 Budapesti Népbiróságtól, Végzés [Verdict]. Budapest, 15 Apr. 1947, FL, Héjjas és társai BpNb VII5e 20630/49, 1156; for an interview with Danics, see: Világ, 12 June 1924.
92 Magyar Államrendőrség Budapesti Főkapitányságának Politikai Rendészeti Osztálya. özv. Katzburg Fülöpné. szül. Schwarcz Róza. Jegyzőkönyvi kihallgatás[Interrogation Report], Budapest, 7 Jan. 1946, FL, Héjjas és társai. BpNb VII 5e 20630/49, 87.
93 Pál Prónay, “Ellenforradalmi naplójegyzeteim 1918–1921,” 455; 487–88.
94 Ibid., 130.
95 Ladányi, Andor, Az egyetemi ifjúság az ellenforradalom első éveiben (1919–1921), [University Students during the First Years of the Counterrevolution, 1919–1921] (Budapest, 1979)Google Scholar, 201.
96 His crimes included the murder of a Jewish merchant, Vilmos Kalmár, in the village of Pusztamérges (Csongrád County) and the execution of three members of the Gettler family in Dunavecse in 1920. See: Magyar Államrendőrség Budapesti Főkapitányságának Politikai Rendészeti Osztálya, Neumann Józsefné szül. Gettler René tanuvallomása. Jegyzőkönyv [Deposition]. Budapest, 6 Mar. 1946, FL, Budapest, Héjjas és társai BpNb VII5e 20630/49, p. 1038; Budapest Főváros Ügyészsége. Szembesítési Jegyzőkönyv [Deposition]. Budapest, 23 Apr. 1957, FL XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 256–257; Francia Kiss Mihály. Tanukihallgatási Jegyzőkönyv [Deposition], Kecskemét, 7 June 1957, FL, Budapest, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 339–341.
97 Belügyminisztérium Csongrád Rendőrfőkapitányság. Kérelmek, Panaszok [Applications and Complaints], Bejelentések Irodája. Rácz Jenőné szegedi lakos bejelentése. Jegyzőkönyv [Deposition], 22 Mar. 1957, FL, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 91–92.
98 Belügyminisztérium. Tanukihallgatási Jegyzőkönyv [Deposition]. Budapest, 13 Mar. 1957, FL, Budapest, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 108–12.
99 Dr. Kelemen Endre, bírósági orvos. A budapesti Fővárosi Ügyésznek (Dr. Endre Kelemen, Medical Expert, to the Crown Attorney], Budapest, 30 May 1957, FL, Budapest, XXV. 4.a. 1798/57 FB Bttö, Fr. Kiss Mihály, 425–27.
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103 The candidates had to fulfill residency, age, cultural and health requirements. Those who had served in the army would be admitted into the gendarmerie with the same rank and salaries, and fringe benefits (hot meals, uniform, promise of early retirement, state pension, long holidays) were meant to attract, besides professional soldiers, reserve officers and poor peasants. See: Felhívás! A csendőrségbe való önkéntes belépésre [Announcement.Voluntary Recruitment into the Gendarmes]. A M. Kir. Belügyminiszter 27863/VI e. 922.sz. rendeletére. Budapest, Feb. 1922, HL, Horthy-kori csapatanyag, Szegedi vadászzászlóalj (Prónay), Kt. 2439–2947, 123 doboz.
104 Kaiser, Ferenc, A magyar királyi csendőrség története a két világháború között [The History of the Royal Hungarian Gendarmerie between the Wars] (Budapest, 2002), 21–32.Google Scholar
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106 The Gallant Order was founded, at Horthy's initiative, by Prime Minister Pál in August 1920. The new “gallants” received a land grant; in return, they were obliged to Magyarize their family names and to serve as members of the auxiliary police in the time of crisis. The title served to honor the sacrifices of distinguished war veterans, reward fanatical counterrevolutionaries, and enlarge the social basis of the regime. The majority of “gallants” seems to have come from rural and lower middle-class backgrounds, and included farmers, agricultural laborers, and white-collar workers. Yet, the title was also popular among the members of the military elite and high-ranking civil servants. By 1936, the Gallant Order had more than 16,000 members, of whom at least 1,800 were officers. According to the military historian, Sándor Szakály, more than 50 percent of high-ranking officers on the eve of World War II were recipients of the gallant title. See: Szakály, Sándor, “Az ellenforradalmi Magyarország (1919–1944) hadseregének felső vezetése,” [The Military Elite of Counterrevolutionary Hungary, 1919–1944] Hadtörténelmi Közlemények 1 (1984), 31–70.Google Scholar
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108 Names of vitézek: Imre Makay; László Baky, Aurél Héjjas; Imre Kuthy; Endre Molnár; György Scheftsik; István Sréter; István Szegheő; Jenő Bors; István Forray; Lajos Kudar; Árpád Taby; Dénes Bibó; Zoltán Örményi; Béla Szabó; Zsigmond Szombath; László Molnár; János Sturm; Névjegyzék a zaszlóljnál szogálatot teljesítő tisztekről akik már Szegeden tagja voltak a zászlóaljnak (1919 augusztus hó 2-áig). M.ki. Szegedi vadász zlj. 120 doboz. Membership list is available at: http://www.hungarianarmedforces.com/vitezirend.
109 Occupation of the so-called white terrorists: politician/parliamentary representative: 1; mayor: 3; head of the provincial administration: 1; middle-level administrator: 2; lawyer/judge: 3; army officer: 3; police officer/detective: 1; university professor: 1; high-school teacher/principal: 1; archivist: 1; journalist: 1; engineer/architect: 2; businessman/CEO: 2; landowner: 2 (1919–es fehérterroristák névsora. 1948(?)), ÁBTL 4.1 A-879, 422/20, 11–12.
110 Szilárd Tátrai, “A vitézi rend története a harmincas évektől a felszámolásig,” [The History of the Gallant Order from the 1930s until Its Dissolution], http://epa.oszk.hu/00000/00018/00012/07tatrai.htm.
111 Reissman Márton Miklós. Tanuvallomási Jegyzőkönyv [Deposition], Budapest, 12 Sept. 1947, ÁBTL 4.1 A-830, 169–70.
112 Social background of the recipients: middle- and upper-middle class: 606 (66 %); lower-middle class: 288 (31%); lower class (workers and agricultural laborers): 25 (3%). Based on “Kimutatás a Nemzetvédelmi Keresztesekről, 1941” [Information about the Recipients of the National Cross], ÁBTL, 4.1 A-877.
113 Miklós Kozma was the head of the Hungarian Information Agency in the interwar period. In 1941, he organized the deportation of about 18,000 “illegal aliens,” mainly Eastern Jews. The gendarmes transported these hapless deportees to the Southern Ukrainian towns of Kamenets-Podolsk, Stanislau, and Horodenka. Upon arrival, they delivered them over to a German Einsatzgruppe to massacre them. See: Pohl, Dieter, Die Herrschaft der Wehrmacht. Deutsche Militärbesatzung und einheimische Bevölkerung in der Sowjetunion 1941–1944 (Frankfurt, 2011), 256–58Google Scholar. Gyurgyák, János, A zsidókérdés Magyarországon (Budapest, 2001), 172–73Google Scholar. On Kozma's life and career, see: Ormos, Mária, Egy magyar médiavezér: Kozma Miklós. Pokoljárás a médiában és a politikában (1919–1941) [Miklós Kozma. The Story of a Torturous Career in the Media and in Political Life], vol. 1 (Budapest, 2000).Google Scholar
114 Colonel Jenő Ranzenberger (Ruszkay), the brother of Viktor (Győző) Ranzenberger, Prónay's deputy, became a National Socialist in the 1930s. In July 1940, he became the leader of the Hungarian National Socialist Party; a few months later, his party merged with Szálasi's movement to create the Arrow Cross Party. In 1941, he entered the service of the Gestapo, and for three years, he passed classified information on to his masters. Berlin put pressure on Horthy to appoint Ruszkay as the head of the General Staff after the German occupation of the country in Mar. 1944; Regent Horthy declined their request, however. After the Arrow Cross takeover of power in October, Ruszkay became the commander of the Hungarian units of the Waffen SS in Feb. 1945; he was the only non-German ever appointed by Hitler to command an entire SS Army afterward in Apr. 1944. The end of the war found him in American captivity; he was extradited back to back to Hungary, tried, found guilty, and executed in June 1946. See: Kádár, A Ludovikától Sopronkőhidáig, 133–36; Paksa, Rudolf, Magyar Nemzeti Szocialiták [Hungarian National Socialists] (Budapest, 2013), 216–17Google Scholar; 236, 250.
115 A military officer by training and a diplomat by vocation, Sztójay spent the better part of his professional life in Germany, first as a military attaché, then, after 1935, as Hungary's ambassador. Appointed as prime minister after the German occupation of the country, on 19 Mar. 1944, Sztójay oversaw, despite the protests by the Western powers and the Vatican, the completion of the Holocaust. After the war, he was executed as a war criminal. See: Sakmyster, Thomas, “A Hungarian Diplomat in Nazi Berlin: Döme Sztójay,” in Hungarian History—World History, ed. Ránki, György (Budapest, 1984), 295–305.Google Scholar
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117 The cultural and political differences were, indeed, significant. The National Socialists were socially more progressive; they had an uneasy relationship with Regent Horthy and the conservative authoritarian elite. See: Gyurgyák, János, Magyar Fajvédők [The Hungarian Race Defenders] (Budapest, 2012), 204–11.Google Scholar
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119 Fekete Iván, “Horthy Környezetében Feltételezett Magasabb Rangú Tisztek Jellemzése,” [Ivan Fekete: The Evaluation of the Officers' Characters in Horthy's Entourage], 1943(?) in Vallomások a Holtak Házából, ed. Haraszti, 443–59.
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123 The KKVSZ was founded by Pál Prónay and István Zadravecz in Szeged in July 1919.
124 “Endre László,” The Ministry of War Archive (Hadtörténeti Levéltár or HL), Hadtörténeti Könyvtár. Ny.sz,: 106. 486–91; Szirmai, Rezső, Fasiszta lelkek. Pszichoanalitikus beszélgetések a háborús főbűnösökkel a börtönben [Fascist Souls. Psychoanalytical Conversations with War Criminals in Prison] (Budapest, 1993)Google Scholar; first published in 1946, esp. 140–48; 265.
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126 This statement should be understood metaphorically. It does not refer to the deportation of Jews from Szeged in 1944.
127 Komoróczy, Géza, A ZSIDÓK TÖRTÉNETE MAGYARORSZÁGON II. 1849–TŐL A JELENKORIG [The History of the Jews in Hungary. Volume 2: From 1849 to the Present] (Pozsony, 2012), 422–28.Google Scholar