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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 February 2009
The golden age of history as an academic discipline was the era of nationalisms, because modern social science history was created in the form of national historical narratives. This is particularly true of Ukrainian nationalism and Ukrainian history. Mykhailo Hrushevs'kyi, who created the most compelling Ukrainian grand narrative, did it under the influence of late-nineteenth-century social theory, and he is still considered to be the greatest Ukrainian historian. Modern history appeared in the nineteenth century not just as an academic discipline, but also as part of the identity of the modern individual; therefore, it figured prominently in all projects aimed at the creation of stable collective identities. Ukrainian history was entailed in the construction of a Ukrainian national identity, and had to respond to the challenges this construction faced.
1 Saying this, I do not mean that history written in the form of national historical narratives was the best possible history. “Golden age” refers not to the quality of the historical work, but to history's ability to convince people of the veracity of its “findings.” Subscribing to the idea that nationalism was a modern project, I believe that the interconnectedness of history and modernity can be extended to history and nationalism. See, for example, Jenkins, Keith, Why History? Ethics and Postmodernity (London, 1994).Google Scholar For some discussion of these connections in postcolonial criticism, see Chatterjee, Partha, The Nation and Its Fragments: Colonial and Postcolonial Histories (Princeton, 1993)Google Scholar; and Chakrabarty, Dipesh, Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference (Princeton, 2000).Google Scholar
2 On the sociological influences on Mykhailo Hrushevs'kyi, see Pritsak, Omelian, “Istoriosofiia Mykhaila Hrushevs'koho”Google Scholar (Historiosophy of Mykhailo Hrushevs'kyi), preface to Mykhailo Hrushevs'kyi, Istoriia Ukraïny-Rusy (History of Ukraine-Rus') (Kiev, 1991), xl–lxxiii.Google Scholar The year of Ukrainian independence, 1991, was also the year when the great publishing project of reprinting Hrushevs'kyi's magnum opus started; ongoing publication of the same work in English has been the only historical monograph translated from Ukrainian into English since Ukraine's independence.
3 On Poles and Poland in Ukrainian school textbooks, see, for example, Natalia lakovenko, “Pol'shcha ta poliaky v shkil'nykh pidruchnykakh istoriï, abo vidlunnia davnioho i nedavnioho mynuloho” (Poland and Poles in the school textbooks of history or echoes of ancient and recent past), in idem, Paralel'nyi svit. Doslidzhennia z istoriï uiavlen'ta idei v Ukraïni XVI–XVII st. (Parallel world: Studies in history of imagination and ideas in Ukraine of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries) (Kiev, 2002), 366–79.
4 “Russophile” here is used to differentiate from “Russian,” as related to the Russian Empire, and to indicate the “indigenous” Galician roots of the project. Usually, scholars distinguish among Polish, Galician-Ruthenian, Ukrainian, and Russian options.
5 Khlop literally means peasant, but it has pejorative connotations; khakhol is pejorative for Ukrainian in Russian. “Kazka o trekh bratiakh” (The tale about three brothers), Bat'kivshchyna (Motherland) 47 (1885).Google Scholar
6 I am referring here to the work of the so-called Ruthenian Triad: Markiian Shashkevych, Ivan Vahylevych, and Iakiv Holovats'kyi.
7 “Denkschrift der ruthenischen Nation in Galizien zur Aufklärung ihrer Verhältnisse” (L'viv, 1848).
8 Ibid.
9 [Rudol'f Mokh], Slavo do naroda halytsko-ruskoho, holosyv Rudol'f Mokh, sekretar Rady Ruskoï Ounevskoi, parokh z Lahodova v chasi Narodnoho Sobraniia dnia 12 Oktovriia/30 septembriia 1848 (A word to Galician-Ruthenian people, spoken by Rudol'f Mokh, Secretary of the Univ Ruthenian Council, parish priest from Lahodiv, during the People's Meeting on 12 October/30 September 1848) (L'viv, 1848). Petro Lozynskii, Slavo v chas torzhestvennoi Sluzhby Bozhoi odpravlennoi z postanovleniia Holovnoi Rady Ruskoi z prychyny vstupleniia na tron Tsisarstva Avstriiskoho Eho Velychestva Kesaria i Korolia Frantsishka Iosyfa I-ho v tserkvi L'vovskoi misttskoi obr. hr. k.… (A word during the ceremonial liturgy, served according to the resolution of the Supreme Ruthenian Council on account of the accession to the throne of Austrian Empire of his majesty Emperor and King Francis Joseph I, in L'viv's local church of the Greek Catholic rite…) (L'viv, 1848). Shashkevych, Hryhorii, Besida pod chas festynu narodnoho ruskoho v Stanislavovi dnia 30 maia 1848, hovorena…Google Scholar (Speech during the Ruthenian national festivity in Stanislaviv on 30 May 1848, Given…)(L'viv, 1848).
10 [Levyts'kyi, Iosyf], Besida hovorena dnia 22 Maia 1848 roku v Drohobychy pry osnovanii Komiteta Ruskoho (Speech given on 22 May 1848 in Drohobych at the founding of a Ruthenian committee) (Przemyśl, 1848).Google Scholar
11 Ibid.
12 [Volodymyr Barvins'kyi] Barvinok, Vasyl', Skoshenyi tsvit (vyïmok z halyts'kykh obrazkiv) (A cut leaf [an excerpt from Galician pictures]) (Kolomyia, 1910), 126–28.Google Scholar
13 In terms of usage, Cossack terms appeared only in vaudevilles by Rev. Ivan Vitoshyns'kyi or in attempts to translate Austrian military ranks and commands into Ukrainian; the heritage of ancient Rus' proved to be too ancient for this latter purpose. Translation examples include: hetman was used for army commander, bulava for staff, vataha for corps, desiatnyk for sergeant, polkovnyk for colonel, sotnia for company, sotnyk for captain, and khoruhov for standard. See “Vypys z rukovodstva do vpravy dlia strazhy narodnoï” (Excerpt from the manual for the exercise of national guard), Zoria Halyts'ka (Galician star), Supplement to issue 25, 1848.
14 Feodosii Steblii, “Derzhavnyts'ki aktsenty v diial'nosti ‘Rus'koï Triitsi’” (Statist accents in the activity of “Ruthenian triad”), in Shashkevychiana, ed. Steblii, Feodosii, vols. 3–4 (L'viv, 2000), 22–41.Google Scholar
15 Knyzhka do chytaniia dlia druhoï kliassy uchylyshch sel'skykh v c. k. avstriiskykh Derzhavakh (Reader for the second grade of the village schools in k. k. states) (Vienna, 1848).Google Scholar
16 Zubritskii, Denis, Istoriia drevniago galichsko-russkago kniazhestva (History of the ancient Galician-Ruthenian principality), vols. 1–3 (L'viv, 1852–1885)Google Scholar; Sharanevych, Izydor, Istoriia Halytsko-Volodymyrskoi Rusy vit naidavniishykh vremen do roku 1453 (History of Galician-Volodymyrian Rus' from the most ancient times to the year 1453) (L'viv, 1863).Google Scholar An example of the history of more modern times is Petrushevych, Anton, Svodnaia halytsko-russkaia litopys's 1600 po 1700Google Scholar hod (Composite Galician-Ruthenian chronicle) (L'viv, 1874), which was added to multiple times in subsequent editions.
17 Sharanevych, , Istoriia Halytsko-Volodymyrskoi Rusy.Google Scholar
18 Ibid., v.
19 [Michał Popiel], Oglaszenie Mychaila Popela do WSICH RUSYNIW wo Samborskoj radi na 25 (hreczysk. kal, 13) maja 1848 r. po Chr. (Announcement of Mykhail Popel' to all Ruthenians in the Sambir Council on 25 [13 of Greek Calendar] May 1848 AD) (L'viv, 1848).
20 Szczucki, Baltazar, Widkie sia wziała Slachta, Pany, Panszczyzna i piddaniGoogle Scholar (From where gentry, gentlemen, serfdom and subjects came into being) (L'viv, 1848).
21 “Deshcho pro pysmenstvo” (Something about literature), Zoria. Chytanochka dlia sel'skykh liudei (Star: Readings for peasant people), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita” (Prosvita society's publications), 1 (L'viv, 1869), 3.
22 “Deshcho pro knyzhky i hazety” (Something about books and newspapers), Zoria. Chytanochka dlia sel'skykh liudei, ed. Volodymyr Shashkevych, Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita”, 5 (L'viv, 1871), 5.
23 Anatol' Vakhnianyn, “Deshcho pro liudei” (Something about people), in Zoria, 1:18.Google Scholar
24 Ibid., 23.
25 [Volodymyr Barvins'kyi], “Deshcho pro pershykh liudei—ta pro vsiaki narody” (Something about first people and about various nations), in Zoria, ed. Shashkevych, , 21–24.Google Scholar
26 Ibid., 34.
27 Ivan Barvins'kyi, “Khto my? Chy narod svitlyi, chy mozhe taky liude dyki” (Who are we? Either enlightened nation, or, perhaps, wild people), Nyva. Chytanochka dlia selian i mishchan (Cornfield: Readings for peasants and townsmen) (L'viv, 1872).Google Scholar
28 [Barvins'kyi, V.], “Deshcho pro pershykh liudei,” 31–32.Google Scholar
29 Ibid., 33.
30 For the connection between reform and teleology, see Geoff Eley, “The Meaning of ‘Reform’ in Wilhelmine Germany,” paper presented at the conference of the German Studies Association, Washington, D.C., 4–7 October 2001. It is interesting that this early Ukrainian popular cultural production still emphasized ancient Rus' and glorified princely times, in line with the discourse from 1848. This focus on Kyivan Rus' is seen even in the tale about the three brothers published in Bat'kivshchyna. However, we know that the authors of these popular publications belonged to student groups of national populists as early as the beginning of the 1860s. They had been styling themselves as heirs of the Cossack tradition, wore “Cossack dress,” and considered Cossack times to be the focal point in the development of the Ukrainian nation. These self-appointed teachers probably believed that simple people were not yet ready for the exposure to the democratic Cossack tradition and first had to be imbued with the ideas of proper civilization and culture. These popular versions of history were published along with literature on self-help, temperance, and entrepreneurial skills, which aimed at teaching peasants proper attitudes toward the new economic and political system. For an example of the glorification of ancient Rus' as late as the 1870s, see Vinok. Chytanochka dlia selian i mishchan (Wreath: Readings for peasants and townsmen), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 44 (L'viv, 1877). For Cossackophile attitudes of national populists in the 1860s, see Ostap Sereda, “Hromady rannikh narodovtsiv u skhidnii Halychyni (60-i roky XIX stolittia)” (Communities of early National-Populists in eastern Galicia), in Ukraïna: kul'turna spadshchyna, natsional'na svidomist', derzhavnist'. Iuvileinyi zbirnyk na poshanu Feodosiia Stebliia (Ukraine: Cultural heritage, national consciousness, statehood. Jubilee collection in honor of Feodosii Steblii) (L'viv, 2001), 378–92.Google Scholar
31 Pavlyk, Mykhailo, Pro rus'ko-ukrains'ki narodni chytal'ni (On Ruthenian-Ukrainian people's reading clubs), Naukova biblioteka (Scientific library), 2–3 (L'viv, 1887), 97.Google Scholar
32 Belei, Ivan, Dvadtsiat' i piat' lit istorii tovarystva “Prosvity”Google Scholar (Twenty-five years of the society Prosvita), Vydannia “Prosvity”, 166 (L'viv, 1894), 32.
33 Ibid., 50.
34 Pers'kyi, Stepan, Populiarna istoriia tovarystva “Prosvita”Google Scholar (Popular history of the society Prosvita), Naukovo-populiarna biblioteka tovarystva “Prosvita” (Scientific-popular library of Prosvita society), 4, Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 780 (L'viv, 1932), 129.
35 Spravozdanie richne z diiatel'nosty vydilu t-va “Prosvita” za chas vid 27 Maia 1875 do 15 chervnia 1876 (Report on the activities of the presidium of the society Prosvita from 27 May 1875 to 15 June 1876) (L'viv, 1876).Google Scholar
36 Spravozdanie z diial'nosti vydilu tovarystva “Prosvita” z 1.09.1879 do 31.12.1880 (Report on the activities of the presidium of the society Prosvita from 1.09.1876 to 31.12.1880) (L'viv, 1881).Google Scholar
37 Sereda, Ostap, “Shaping of a National Identity: Early Ukrainophiles in Austrian Eastern Galicia, 1860–1873,” Ph.D. diss., Central European University, 2003, 325–36.Google Scholar
38 Istoriia bybliina staroho i novoho zavita dlia shkil narodnykh (Biblical history of Old and New Testaments for the elementary schools) (L'viv, 1877).Google Scholar
39 This textbook, for example, defined Czechs as a branch of Slavs, which in turn consisted of three further branches: Bohemians, Moravians, and Slovaks. Ruska vtora chytanka dlia tretioho otriadu shkil holovnykh i horods'kykh v Tsisarstvi Avstrii (Second Ruthenian reader for the third grade of the main and city schools in the Empire of Austria) (L'viv, 1869).Google Scholar
40 Levytskii, Ostap, Chytanka ruska dlia chetvertoï kliasy shkil narodnykh v Halychyni (Ruthenian reader for the fourth grade of the elementary schools in Galicia) (L'viv, 1872).Google Scholar
41 Ruska chytanka dlia chetvertoï kliasy shkil narodnykh v Halychyni (Ruthenian reader for the fourth grade of the elementary schools in Galicia) (L'viv, 1876).Google Scholar
42 Partytskii, Omelian, Ruska chytanka dlia tretioi kliasy shkil narodnykh (Ruthenian reader for the third grade of the elementary schools) (L'viv, 1879)Google Scholar; Romanchuk, Iuliian, Ruska chytanka dlia chetvertoi kliasy shkil narodnykh (Ruthenian reader for the fourth grade of the elementary schools) (L'viv, 1879).Google Scholar
43 Tsentral'nyi Derzhavnyi Istorychnyi Arkhiv Ukrainy u L'vovi (Central State Historical Archive of Ukraine in L'viv; hereafter cited as TsDIAL), fond (hereafter, f.) 178, opys (hereafter, op.) 2, sprava (hereafter, spr.) 279, arkush (hereafter, a.) 26.
44 Fylypchak, Ivan and Lukan', Roman, Ts. K. Okruzhna Holovna shkola v Lavrovi 1788/89–1910/11. Istorychna Monohrafiia (K. K. Circle Main School in Lavriv 1788/89–1910/11: A historical monograph) (L'viv, 1936), 123, 164.Google Scholar
45 TsDIAL, f. 178, op. 2, spr. 1228.
46 Viddil Rukpysiv L'vivs'koi Naukovoi Biblioteky Natsional'noï Akademiï nauk Ukrainy imeni Vasylia Stefanyka (Manuscript division of L'viv Vasyl' Stefanyk Library of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine; hereafter cited as LNB NANU), collection “Vasyl' Shchurat,” spr. 922, papka (hereafter, p.) 27, a. 10.
47 Olesnyts'kyi, Evhen, Storinky z moho zhyttia (Pages from my life), vol. 1 (L'viv, 1935), 93–94.Google Scholar
48 LNB NANU, collection “Mykhailo Pavlyk,” 46, p. 2, a. 35.Google Scholar
49 [Oleksandr Konys'kyi] K. Js., K. Odovets', Istoriia Ukrainy za chasiv Petra Velykoho i Kateryny II (History of Ukraine in the times of Peter the Great and Catherine II), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 89 (L'viv, 1886)Google Scholar; [Danylo Mordovets'] Sahaidachnyi; Opovidanie (Sahaidachnyi: A story), Perepoviv pislia Mordovtsia K. K. (Retold after K. K. Mordovets'), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 102 (L'viv, 1887).Google Scholar
50 Barvins'kyi, Oleksandr, “Spomyny z moho zhyttia” (Memoirs from my life), Ruslan, 1913, No. 175.Google Scholar
51 Vinok. Chytanka dlia selian i mishchan, Izdaniia Obshchestva imeni Kachkovskoho (Kachovskii Society's publications) (L'viv, 1879).Google Scholar
52 Up to that time, the term Ukrainian-Ruthenian was used to designate Ukrainians living in the Russian Empire and emphasize their relation to the Galician-Ruthenians. Sereda, , “Shaping of a National Identity,” 293.Google Scholar See also the example from Prosvita's popular publications: Ohonovs'kyi, Omelian, Zhytie Tarasa Shevchenka. Chytanka dlia selian i mishchan (Life of Taras Shevchenko: Readings for peasants and townsmen) (L'viv, 1876), 9.Google Scholar
53 Barvins'kyi, Oleksandr, Iliustrovana istoriia Rusy vid naidavnishykh chasiv pislia ruskykh i chuzhykh istorykiv: Z dvoma istorychnymy kartamy Rusy i 40 iliustratsiiamyGoogle Scholar (Illustrated history of Rus' from the most ancient times after Ruthenian foreign historians. With two historical maps of Rus' and 40 illustrations), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 125 (L'viv, 1890).
54 Zvors'kyi, Serhii, ed., Vydannia “Prosvit” Halychyny. Knyhy ta arkusheva produktsiia (1868–1938). Bibliohrafichnyi pokazhchyk (Publications of the Prosvita of Galicia: Books and prints production [1868–1938]: A bibliographic index) (Kiev, 1996), 57.Google Scholar
55 Ibid., 94.
56 Barvins'kyi, Oleksandr, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy (z obrazkamy) (History of Ukraine-Rus' [with illustrations]) (Winnipeg, 1914)Google Scholar; and idem, Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy (History of Ukraine-Rus') (Winnipeg, 1920). These publications prove the importance of Barvins'kyi's book for the whole Ukrainian national project, not only for the Ukrainian population of Galicia. These editions also testify to the popularity of Barvins'kyi's book even after other popular narratives of Ukrainian history became available.
57 Barvins'kyi, , Istoriia Ukrainy-Rusy (z obrazkamy), 3.Google Scholar
58 Barvins'kyi, V., Skoshenyi tsvit, 130–31.Google Scholar
59 Sereda, , “Shaping of a National Identity”, 278–97.Google Scholar
60 Kalendar' Prosvity na rik perestupnyi 1880 (Prosvita's calendar for the next year 1880) (L'viv 1880).Google Scholar
61 Iliustrovanyi Kalendar' tovarystva “Prosvita” na rik zvychainyi 1885 (Prosvita's illustrated calendar for the usual year 1885) (L'viv 1884).Google Scholar
62 I refer to the practices of Sich, the peasant firefighting and gymnastic organization; to the popular songs written at the end of the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth centuries, in which Galician Ukrainians appeared as Cossacks and Haidamakas; and to the popular plays in which peasants eagerly played historical figures from the Cossack past.
63 Taniachkevych, Danylo, Tsisar' Iosyf II i narid ruskii. V stolitnu pamiatku vstuplenia na tron avstriiskii seho nezabutnoho tsisariaGoogle Scholar (Emperor Joseph II and Ruthenian people. On the hundredth anniversary of the accession to the Austrian throne of the unforgettable emperor), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 58 (L'viv, 1880), 10.
64 Ibid., 12.
65 Ibid., 16.
66 Ibid., 22.
67 Ibid., 19–21.
68 Myron, [Ivan Franko], Rozmovy v Dobrovil'skii chytal'ni. Rozmova pro hroshi i skarby. Z peredmovoiu o zalozheniu dobrovil'skoi chytal'niGoogle Scholar (Talks in the Dobrovolia Reading Club: Talk about money and hordes. With a preface on the founding of the Dobrovolia Reading Club) (L'viv, 1883), 12–14. Only socialists had a different view of history, sometimes even rejecting its usefulness at all. In the 1870s, when the first group of socialists appeared, quite often they voiced their protests against the idyllic images of the national past created by national populists. Starting in the 1880s, with the turn away from Marxist theory and toward the reality of an overwhelmingly peasant society, Ukrainian radicals, as well as the Ruthenian Ukrainian Radical Party they created in 1890, used narratives of national history in which the social aspect was firmly established.
69 Pavlyk, , Pro Rus'ko-Ukrains'ki, 180–81.Google Scholar
70 Franko, Ivan, “Peredmova do pershoho vydannia Panshchyna ta iï skasuvannia 1848 r. v Halychyni”Google Scholar (Preface to the first edition of Serfdom and Its Abolition in Galicia in 1848), in idem, Zibrannia tvoriv u p'iatdesiaty tomakh (Collected works in fifty volumes), vol. 47 (Kiev, 1986), 8.Google Scholar
71 Franko, Ivan, “Panshchyna ta ïï skasuvannia 1848 r. v Halychyni” (Serfdom and its abolition in Galicia in 1848)Google Scholar, in idem, Zibrannia tvoriv u p'iatdesiaty tomakh, 47:8.Google Scholar
72 TsDIAL, f. 348, op. 1, spr. 3890, a. 36–39.
73 See, for example, Stupnytskii, K., “Z-pid Sambora” (From near Sambir), Dilo (Cause) 63 (1893). “Skazhim sobi pravdu!” (Let's tell ourselves the truth!), Poslannyk (Messenger) 4 (1899).Google Scholar
74 And it did not matter if this was a radical reading club or reading club run by the local priest. Compare, for example, reports from Kornalovychi and Mshanets' in the Sambir district. TsDIAL, f. 348, op. 1, spr. 3928, a. 14; f. 348, op. 1, spr. 3039, a. 37.
75 Cited in Ivan Kryp'iakevych, “Knyzhka na seli” (Book in the Village), Dilo 32 (1908).Google Scholar
76 Hnatiuk, Volodymyr, Starokhrystyians'ki liegendy. Iz knyhyGoogle Scholar “Narodovishchaniie” (Old Christian tales: From the book Tales for People), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 259 (L'viv, 1901), with a foreword by Ivan Franko.
77 Blahovieshchens'kyi, M., Istoriia Moskovshchyny do Petra VelykohoGoogle Scholar (History of Muscovy to Peter the Great), tovarystva, Vydannia “Prosvita,” 264–265 (L'viv, 1902).Google Scholar
78 Shch, V.., Bohdaniv synok (Bohdan's son), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 271 (L'viv, 1902).Google Scholar Others like this include , M. N., Het'mans'ki svaty (Hetman's matchmakers), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 281–82 (L'viv, 1903)Google Scholar; , N. M., Smert' Tymosha (Death of Tymish), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 286 (L'viv, 1904)Google Scholar; Za Mykoloiu Kostomarovym, Dvi oblohy L'vova. Pereiaslavs'ka uhoda (Two sieges of L'viv: The Agreement of Pereiaslav), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 304–5 (L'viv, 1905)Google Scholar; Tykhyi, N., Oleksii Popovych. Opovidanie z kozats'kykh chasiv (Oleksii Popovych: Tale from Cossack times), Vydannia tovarystva “Prosvita,” 291 (L'viv, 1904).Google Scholar
79 [Dmytrii Vintskovskii], Pamiaty slavnykh liudei (To the memory of famous people), Izdaniia Obshchestva imeni Mykhaila Kachkovskoho v Kolomyi, 49 (L'viv, 1879). It seems that this insistence on the celebration of St. Dmitrii Day was the idea of only the author of this text, whose name was also Dmytrii, and who was among the most prolific authors of the Russophile popular publications.
80 “Iz Sambora” (From Sambir), Slavo (Word) 64 (1878).Google Scholar
81 Radical, sometimes secret, student organizations at the beginning of the twentieth century even in their leaflets were using this notion. See, for example, the leaflet by an unknown organization that said, “History teaches that without revolution no nation can liberate itself…. We should not be just a litter (pidstylka) of history, we should create it consciously.” Oddział Rękopism Biblioteki Jagiełońskiej (Manuscript division of the Jagiellonian Library), Cracow, sygn.8109/III.
82 Wendland, Anna Veronika, Die Russophilen in Galizien. Ukrainische Konservative zwischen Österreich und Ruβland 1848–1915 (Vienna, 2001), 311.Google Scholar
83 Zgarskii, Evgenii Ia., Istoriia Galitskoi Rusi (History of Galician Rus'), Izdaniia Obshchestva imeni Mikhaila Kachkovskogo, 63 (Mart, 1881).Google Scholar
84 Didytskii, Bohdan A., Litopys' Rusi (Chronicle of Rus'), Izdaniia Obshchestva imeni Mikhaila Kachkovskogo, 134 (L'viv, 1887), 75.Google Scholar
85 Ibid., 5.
86 Ibid., 49.
87 TsDIAL, f. 182, op. 1, spr. 6, a. 2–3.
88 Barvins'kyi, O., “Spomyny z moho zhyttia.”Google Scholar
89 TsDIAL, f. 348, op. 1, spr. 3890, a. 11.
90 Jaroslav Hrytsak, “‘Iakykh-to kniaziv buly stolytsi v Kyievi?…’: do konstruiuvannia istorychnoi pam'iati halyts'kykh ukraintsiv u 1830–1930-ti roky” (“Capitals of which princes were in Kiev?…”: Toward the construction of the historical memory of Galician Ukrainians in the 1830s–1930s), Ukraina moderna (Modern Ukraine) 6 (2001): 86.Google Scholar
91 Ripets'kyi, Teodor, Iliustrovanaia narodnaia istoriia Rusy (Illustrated people's history of Rus') (L'viv, 1905), 4–5.Google Scholar
92 [Vintskovskii, Dmytro], Nasha istoriia v voprosakh i otvetakh (Our history in questions and answers), Izdaniia Obshchestva imeni Mikhaila Kachkovskoho, 330–31 (L'viv, 1903).Google Scholar
93 Verdery, Katherine, The Political Lives of Dead Bodies: Reburial and Postsocialist Change (New York, 1999).Google Scholar
94 It is with these words that some Ukrainian historians refer to Hrushevs'kyi's article, “Zvychaina skhema “russkoï” istoriï i sprava ratsional'noho ukladu istoriï Skhidnioho Slov'ianstva” (Usual scheme of “Russian” history and a problem of the rational structure of history of eastern Slavdom), Stat'i po slav'ianovedeniiu (Articles in Slavic studies) 2 (1904): 298–304.Google Scholar