Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 February 2009
An important fact to keep in mind in studying the Slovenian nationality problem in the nineteenth-century Habsburg monarchy is the lack of coincidence between ethnic and administrative boundaries. Instead of living together in a single province, the Slovenes formed a significant percentage of the population of each of more than a half dozen different administrative subdivisions of the Austrian empire. Approximately half of them lived in provinces with a non-Slovenian majority. According to the official survey made by Carl Joseph von Czoernig, which was based on the 1846 census for the Austrian lands and that of 1850 for the kingdom of Hungary, there were 428,000 Slovenes and Serbo-Croatians (92 percent of the total population) in Carniola. There were 363,000 Slovenes (36 percent of all the inhabitants) in Styria; 96,000 (30 percent), in Carinthia;1 128,000 (67 percent), in Gorica (Görz); 25,000 (31.5 percent), in Trieste; and 32,000 (14 percent), in Istria. In addition, 45,000 Slovenes lived in the border areas that were added to the Transleithanian half of the dual monarchy after 1867 and 27,000 in the province of Venetia, which belonged to the Habsburg empire until 1866.
1 Later research has shown that there were an additional 20,000 Slovenes in Carinthia at that time.
2 For an overall summary, see the works cited in Zwitter, Fran, Šidak, Jaroslav, and Bogdanov, Vaso, Les problèmes nationaux dans la monarchie des Habsbourg (Belgrade: Comité Nationale Yougoslave des Sciences Historiques, 1960), p. 7, n. 32Google Scholar; p. 10, ns. 2 and 3; p. 16, n. 6; p. 17, n. 7; p. 31, n. 1; p. 32, n. 2; p. 35, n. 5; p. 55, n. 40; p. 56, n. 41; and p. 66, n. 11; Grafenauer, Bogo, Zgodovina slovenskega naroda [History of the Slovene Nation], Vol. V (Ljubljana: Kmečka knjiga, 1962)Google Scholar (for the period from the middle of the eighteenth century until 1848); and Schmidt, Vlado, Zgodovina šolstva in pedagogike na Slovenskem [History of the Schools and Pedagogy in the Slovene Territory] (3 vols., Ljubljana: Državna založba Slovenije, 1963–1966)Google Scholar (for the period before 1870).
3 See especially my articles on “Prva koncepcija slovenske zgodovine” [The First Concept of Slovene History], Glasnik Muzejskega društva za Slovenijo, Vol. XX (1939), pp. 355–372Google Scholar; and “Anton Tomaž Linhart, in njegovo zgodovinsko delo”Google Scholar[Anton Tomaž Linhart and his Historical Work], Nasa sodobnost, Vol. V (1957), pp. 1–13.Google Scholar
4 For a more extensive discussion, see the reprint of my articles on “Les origines de l'illyrisme politique et la création des Provinces Illyriennes,” in Le Monde Slave, Vol. II (1933).Google Scholar
5 See Kann, Robert A., The Multinational Empire. Nationalism and National Reform in the Habsburg Monarchy, 1848–1918 (2 vols., New York: Columbia University Press, 1950), Vol. I, pp. 250–252 and 295–297.Google Scholar
6 Kollár, Ján, Über die literarische Wechselseitigkeit zwischen den verschiedenen Stämmen und Mundarten der slawischen Nation (Pest: Carl Trattner, 1837), pp. 8–9.Google Scholar
7 Kopitar first came to these conclusions in 1809. Kidrič, France, Zoisova korespondenca 1809–1810 [Zois' Correspondence, 1809–1810] (Ljubljana: Akademija znanosti in umetnosti, 1941), pp. 105 and 113.Google Scholar
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10 For election results in the Slovenian areas, see Melik, Vasilij, Volitve na Slovenskem 1861–1918 [The Elections in the Slovene Territory, 1861–1918] (Ljubljana: Slovenska matica, 1965).Google Scholar For Carinthia especially, see also Pleterski, , Narodna in politična zavest na Koroškem.Google Scholar
11 For the second half of the nineteenth century, in addition to the works already cited, see Zwitter, , Šidak, , and Bogdanov, , Les problèmes nationaux dans la monarchie des Habsbourg, p. 93, n. 7Google Scholar; p. 97, ns. 12 and 13; p. 105, n. 23; and p. 116, n. 2; Kermavner, Dušan, “Hegemonistična prekonstrukcija jugoslovanskega programa v Ljubljani leta 1870”Google Scholar [Misinterpretation of the Ljubljana Yugoslav Program of the Year 1870], Zgodovinski časopis, Vol. XVI (1962), pp. 81–144Google Scholar; Zwitter, Fran, “Nekaj problemov okrog jugoslovanskega kongresa v Ljubljani leta 1870”Google Scholar [Some Problems in Connection with the Yugoslav Congress of Ljubljana in 1870], ibid., pp. 145–170; Kermavner, Dušan, “O nekaterih krivih prijemih v političnem zgodovinopisju”Google Scholar [Some Erroneous Approaches in Political Historiography], ibid., Vol. XVII (1963), pp. 225–254; Zwitter, Fran, “Odgovor polemičnemu izkrivljanju”Google Scholar [A Reply to Polemical Distortions], ibid., Vol. XVIII (1964), pp. 243–250; Luković, Petko, Slovenci i ustanak u Hercegovini i Bosni 1875–1878 godine [The Slovenes and the Insurrection in Herzegovina and Bosnia, 1875–1878] (unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Ljubljana, 1965)Google Scholar; Šuklje, Franjo, Iz mojih spominov [From My Memoirs] (3 vols., Ljubljana: Katoliško tiskovno društvo, 1926–1929)Google Scholar; and Hribar, Ivan, Moji spomini [My Memoirs] (3 vols., Ljubljana: Merkur, 1928–32).Google Scholar
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13 The main sources for the socialist movement can be found in Zgodovinski arhiv Komunistične partije Jugoslavije [The Historical Archives of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia], Vol. V: Socialistično gibanje v Sloveniji 1869–1920 [The Socialist Movement in Slovenia, 1869–1920] (Belgrade: Zgodovinski oddelek Centralnega komiteja KPJ, 1951). See also Tuma, Henrik, Iz mojega življenja [From My Life] (Ljubljana: Naša založba, 1937)Google Scholar; and Prepeluh, Albin, Pripombe k naši prevratni dobi [Observations on our Revolutionary Era] (Ljubljana: Univerzitetna tiskarna J. Blasníka, 1938).Google Scholar Both memoirs were published with comments by Dušan Kermavner. For the situation in Carinthia, see Pleterski, , Narodna in politična zavest na Koroškem.Google Scholar
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15 For the problem of Austria and the Yugoslav problem among the Slovenes during the First World War, see Vošnjak, Bogumil, U borbi za ujedinjenu narodnu državu [Fighting for the United National State] (Ljubljana: Tiskovna zadruga, 1928)Google Scholar; Kranjec, Silvo, “Koroščevo predavanje o postanku Jugoslavije”Google Scholar [Anton Korošec's Lecture about the Formation of Yugoslavia], Zgodovinski časopis, Vol. XVI (1962), pp. 218–229Google Scholar; Kranjec, Silvo, Kako smo se zedinili [How We United] (Celje: Mohorjeva družba, 1928)Google Scholar; and Kranjec, Silvo, “Slovenci na poti v Jugoslavijo”Google Scholar [The Slovenes on the Way to Yugoslavia], Spominski zbornik Slovenije, 1939, pp. 32–65.Google Scholar For the volunteers, see Dobrovoljci kladivarji Jugoslavije 1912–1918 [The Volunteers as Makers of Yugoslavia] (Ljubljana: Sreske organizacije Saveza ratnih dobrovoljaca v Ljubljani in Mariboru, 1936). For the military actions in northern Slovenian regions at the time of the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, see Ude, Lojze, “Boj za Maribor in štajersko Podravje leta 1918–19”Google Scholar [The Struggle for Maribor and the Territory along the Drava River in Styria in 1918–1919], Zgodovinski časopis, Vol. XV (1961), pp. 65–156.Google Scholar The most exhaustive study of the Yugoslav problem during the First World War is Paulová, Milada, Jugoslovenski odbor [The Yugoslav Committee] (Zagreb: Prosvjetna nakladna zadruga, 1925).Google Scholar Her account has been completed and corrected by many new publications. See especially vinski časopis, Vol. XIV (1960), pp. 280–305Google Scholar; and the recent studies the survey of publications before 1960 made by Lojze Ude in Zgodoby Dragovan Šepić and Bogdan Krizman, particularly Dragovan Šepič's “Misija Carla Gallija u Trstu [Carlo Galli's Mission in Trieste], Anali Jadranskog instituta, Vol. II (1958), pp. 53–80.Google Scholar