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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 January 2009
The Benzolfest of 1890 in honour of August Kekulé fell into that economically prosperous, politically peaceful period of European imperialism which is characterized by the splendour of the courts of Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India; Emperor Franz Josef of Austria, King of Hungary; and the German Emperor Wilhelm II, King of Prussia. Whoever could afford it (and even some of those who could not) tried to imitate these models and to participate at least to a modest extent in the glamour of the imperial courts. Merits were honoured by the bestowal of titles, orders and medals, and many an effort to the benefit of the common weal in deeds and money was induced by the prospect of becoming a Privy Councillor (Geheimrat) or a Councillor of Commerce (Kommerzienrat), of being awarded the Order of the Red Eagle [of Prussia] (the fourth class being almost automatically given to a major of the Prussian army who in this peaceful time had never had a chance to distinguish himself, and not so automatically to a distinguished professor on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday), or even of being raised to hereditary nobility, the epithet von added to the name being the permanently visible sign of particular excellence.
1 Typical is Victor Meyer's situation in 1888. At the inauguration of the new chemical institute at Göttingen, Meyer, forty years old, was awarded the title of Geheimrat by the Prussian government. At that time, he received a call from the government of Baden to succeed Bunsen at Heidelberg. The offer included the title of Geheimrat II. Klasse, which was superior to Geheimer Hofrat and next to Wirklicher Geheimer Rat. The husband of Victor's cousin Marie congratulated him on the bestowal of the Geheimrat title with a somewhat joking hint of even higher honours: ‘Und wenn sie Dich auch noch “von”-en / Und machen zum “Wirklichen” Dich, / Wir bleiben in Treu Dir gesonnen / Und lieben Dich inniglich!’ Meyer replied ‘Nicht wünsch ich, dass sie mich “von”-en, / Noch zum “Wirklichen” machen mich. / Ach! Ein andrer Traum ist zerronnen! / In Göttingen bleibe ich!…Gold, Ruhmsucht, Titel und Ehren, / Sie halten zurücke mich nicht! / Nichts habe ich hier zu begehren. / Ich tu nur die bittere Pflicht!’ Meyer preferred to be addressed as ‘professor’ rather than with his new title of Geheimrat. Meyer, R., Victor Meyer. Leben und Wirken eines deutschen Chemikers und Naturforschers 1848–1897 (= Ostwald, W. (ed.), Grosse Männer. Studien zur Biologie des Genies, iv), Leipzig, 1917, 227–30.Google Scholar
2 Lepsius, B., ‘Festschrift zur Feier des 50jährigen Bestehens der Deutschen Chemischen Gesellschaft und des 100. Geburtstages ihres Begründers August Wilhelm von Hofmann’, Berichte der Deutschen Chemischen Gesellschaft (1918), 51Google Scholar, Sonderheft; Gothaisches Genealogisches Taschenbuch der Briefadeligen Häuser (1919), 13, 383.Google Scholar
3 Schultz, Gustav, 1882 PrivatdozentGoogle Scholar at the University of Strassburg and co-author of volume 3 of August Kekulé, 's Lehrbuch der Organischen Chemie oder der Chetnie der Kohlenstoffverbindungen, Stuttgart 1882Google Scholar; his portrait: Anschütz, R., August Kekulé, I, Leben and Wirken, Berlin 1929Google Scholar, fig. 90, some biographical notes ibid., 485.
4 Schultz, G., ‘Bericht über die Feier der Deutschen Chemischen Gesellschaft zu Ehren August Kekulé's’, Berichte der Deutschen Chemischen Gesellschaft (1890), 23, 1265–312.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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6 Emil du Bois-Reymond, physiologist, 1818–96; 1858 professor in Berlin, 1867 permanent secretary of the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences. His participation in the Benzolfest may be viewed in the light of L. Boltzmann's ironic criticism: ‘Others [than Austrians] are rather different. They believe in honouring themselves by glorifying their great men, and it must be considered moving when in their zeal they exaggerate and out of enthusiasm almost make demi-gods of them though history teaches that they were humans…for example, for du Bois-Reymond the true merits of Helmholtz are not sufficiently great. He is not afraid of adorning him with other birds' feathers, of degrading Robert Mayer, of exaggerating Helmholtz's merits concerning the electromagnetic theory of light, or of producing a phrase with respect to an explanation of the theory of gravity.’ ‘Zur Erinnerung an Josef Loschmidt’, vom Executiv-Comité zur Errichtung eines Loschmidt-Denkmales, Vienna, 1899, 23–4.Google Scholar See also his sarcastic remark on the Berlin Geheimräte, ibid., 25.
7 Möbius, Karl, zoologist, 1825–1908Google Scholar; 1868 professor in Kiel, , 1887–1905Google Scholar director of the Museum of Natural History in Berlin.
8 Later incorporated into the city of Berlin.
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11 von Gossler, Gustav, 1838–1902Google Scholar; from 1877 Member of the Reichstag (Conservative Parry), 1881 President of the Reichstag, 1879 undersecretary of state of the Ministry of Education, 1881–91 Minister of Cultural Affairs, then Oberpräsident (governor) of Westpreussen, . Gothaisches Genealogisches Taschenbuch, op. cit. (2), 298.Google Scholar
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15 Paul Hinschius, professor of protestant church law, 1835–98; professor 1863 in Halle, 1865 Berlin, 1868 Kiel, , 1872Google Scholar Berlin. He participated in the conferences of the Prussian Ministry of Cultural Affairs for the elaboration of church laws; 1872–81 Member of the Reichstag (National Liberal Parry).
16 von Forckenbeck, Max, 1821–1892Google Scholar, a leading member of the Fortschrittspartei (Progressive Party), 1866 one of the founders of the National Liberal Party, 1866–73 President of the Prussian House of Deputies, 1873 Lord Mayor of Breslau, 1878–92 of Berlin, since 1867 Member of the Reichstag, , 1874–1879Google Scholar its president, 1884 active in the foundation of the Deutschfreisinnige Partei, from 1874 Member of the Prussian House of Lords.
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18 Helmholtz, Hermann, 1821–1894Google Scholar, knighted in 1882; 1848 teacher of anatomy at the Academy of Arts in Berlin, professor 1849 in Königsberg, 1855 Bonn, 1858 Heidelberg, 1871 Berlin (of physics), 1888 president of the Physikalisch-technische Reichsanstalt. Berichte der Deutschen Chemischen Gesellschaft (1894), 27, 2643–52Google Scholar (with his portrait); Meyer, , op. cit. (1), 438.Google Scholar
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33 Das Buch Biedermaier. Gedichte von Ludwig Eichrodt und Adolf Kussmaul sowie ihrem Vorbild, dem ‘alten Dorfschulmeister’ Samuel Friedrich Sauter gesammelt und herausgegeben von Ludwig Eichrodt. Neue, von Friedrich Eichrodt besorgte und von Eduard Ille illustrierte Ausgabe, Stuttgart 1911.
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50 Ladenburg, A., Lebens-Erinnerungen, Breslau, 1912Google Scholar; Herz, W., ‘Albert Ladenburg’, Berichte der Deutschen Chemischen Gesellschaft (1912), 45, 3597–644.Google Scholar
51 Alexander M. Butlerow's portrait: Anschütz, , op. cit. (3), fig. 52.Google Scholar His monument is in the Russian city of Kazan.
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54 Loschmidt, Joseph, 1821–1895Google Scholar; 1866–91 professor in Vienna; see: Anschütz, (1913)Google Scholar, note 55 below; (1912), note 63 below.
55 Loschmidt, J., Chemische Studien, I. A. Constitutions-Formeln der organisechen Chemie in graphischer Darstellung. B. Das Mariotte'sche Gesetz, Vienna, 1861.Google Scholar The title-page has been reproduced in Kirchhof, F., ‘Joseph Loschmidt und die Benzolformel’, Chemiker-Zeitung (1967), 91, 48–51Google Scholar, fig. 1, and correctly quoted by Kayser, C. G., Vollständiges Bücher-Lexicon, Leipzig, 1866, xvi, L–Z, 51.Google Scholar The Austrian National Library owns a copy with the baffling variant ‘in geographischer Darstellung’ which was recently reprinted (Aldrich Chemical Company, Milwaukee WI, 1989). Anschütz's new edition of 1913 was obviously based on a copy with ‘in graphischer Darstellung’: Loschmidt, J., Konstitutions-Formeln der organischen Chemie in graphischer Darstellung (ed. Anschütz, R.) (= Ostwald's Klassiker der exakten Wissenschaften, 190), Leipzig, 1913.Google Scholar
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60 This device has a long tradition in heraldry.
61 Though speculating about the connectivity of the six carbon atoms in benzene, Loschmidt did not arrive at a conclusion. He therefore treated the ‘benzene nucleus’ as a sort of hexavalent superatom, represented by a ball, hence in print by a circle, the diameter of which took account of the ‘atomic weight’ of 72 and therefore exceeded that of the sulphur ball (circle). The proper meaning of all ‘circles’ as balls is obvious from Loschmidt's text and was correctly understood by Graebe, , op. cit. (56), 236–7, 286–8.Google Scholar Much later, the benzene ball (circle) was wrongly taken to represent the connectivity of the carbon atoms. From this error, the opinion arose that Loschmidt rather than Kekulé conceived the ‘benzene ring’: Wiswesser, W. J., ‘Johann Joseph Loschmidt (1821–1895): a forgotten genius. Benzene rings and much more in 1861’, Aldrichimica Acta (1989), 22, 17–18Google Scholar; ‘Johann Joseph Loschmidt (1821–1895): Ein vergessenes Genie. Der Benzolring und so manches andere im Jahre 1861’, Österreichische Chemie-Zeitschrift (1990), 91, 47–8Google Scholar; ‘Johann Josef Loschmidt (1821–1895) – Zapomenutý génius. Benzenové jádro a mnohem víe v roce 1861’, Chemické Listy pro vědu a pr mysl (1990), 84, 1062–6Google Scholar; Bader, A., ‘Loschmidt, not Kekulé, published first benzene ring diagrams’Google Scholar, paper presented at the ACS-Symposium ‘The Kekulé Benzoifest 100 Years Later’, Boston MA, USA, 23 April 1990 (and elsewhere). Noe, C. R. and Bader, A., ‘Loschmidt, Josef’, in The Kekulé Riddle. A Challenge for Chemists and Psychologists (ed. Wotiz, J. H.), Clearwater FL, Vienna IL, 1993, 221–45Google Scholar; Noe, C. R. and Bader, A., ‘Facts are better than dreams’, Chemistry in Britain (1993), 126–8.Google Scholar A detailed refutation was presented by Schiemenz, G. P., ‘Good-bye, Kekulé? Eine Anamnese der Loschmidt-Legende’Google Scholar, (a) Symposium of the Division of History of Chemistry of the Gesellschaft Deutscher Chemiker, Tübingen, Germany, 22 March 1991, (b) First ‘Mineralkontor’ International Conference on the History of Chemistry and Chemical Industry, Veszprém, Hungary, 15 August 1991, (c) Department of Chemistry of the University of Tartu, Estonia, 2 October 1991, (d) Department of Chemistry of the University of Oldenburg, Germany, 6 February 1992, (e) University of Rostock, Germany, 13 February 1992. Schiemenz, G. P., ‘Goodbye, Kekulé? Josef Loschmidt und die monocyclische Struktur des Benzols’, Naturwissenschaftliche Rundschau (1993), 46, 85–8.Google Scholar
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63 Anschütz, , op. cit. (3), 305Google Scholar, revising his previous opinion: Anschütz, R., ‘Über Loschmidts graphische Formeln, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Benzol-Theorie’, Berichte der Deutschen Chemischen Gesellschaft (1912), 45, 539–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Anschütz, (1913), op. cit. (55), 105.Google Scholar
64 In a letter to Erlenmeyer: Anschütz, , op. cit. (3), 305.Google Scholar Like Erlenmeyer, Kekulé ‘was in command of a striking, never failing humour; part of his mentality was an ironic trait which became obvious also to strangers by way of the sarcastic smile which often played around his lips’Google Scholar (Meyer, , op. cit. (1), 433).Google Scholar For a proper assessment of Kekulé's modesty, one has to bear in mind that he himself applied for his ennoblement: Anschütz, , op. cit. (3), 645Google Scholar (‘Not without exhibiting a sort of satisfaction, Kekulé showed us the precious certificate of ennoblement’, ibid., 646–7); Štrbáňová, S. and Janko, J., ‘Bohuslav Raýman, Friedrich August Kekule a Česká Akademie Věd a umění’, Dějiny Věd a Techniky (1990), 23, 93–105Google Scholar; ‘Die Umstände der Nobilitierung F. A. Kekules’, Chemie in unserer Zeit (1991), 25, 208–13.Google ScholarŠtrbáňová, S. and Janko, J., ‘Kekulé's character in the light of his ennoblement’Google Scholar, in Wotiz, op. cit. (61), 195–210.Google Scholar
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