Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 January 2009
This article introduces a theory of Nested Games which accounts for the cohesion of coalitions. The parties in a coalition are considered to be playing a game with variable payoffs. The payoffs depend on a higher-order game between the coalition and its opponents. Several political situations approximate to this conceptualization, such as Government and Opposition coalitions, factions inside parties, international coalitions, class conflict. The theory of Nested Games predicts the cohesion of coalitions as a function of the relative size of both the coalitions and the partners within each coalition.
The test case of the theory is the cohesion of French electoral coalitions in 1978. Empirical results corroborate the theory. All parties behave according to its predictions. Moreover, a difference in the way parties behave, according to whether the game is visible (by the electorate) or invisible, is discovered and explained.
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9 Arguments can be made that (3) or (4) hold and that, therefore, the game is Chicken or Assurance. These modifications of the payoff matrix, however, while important by themselves, will not influence the subsequent results of this article (see Tsebelis, G., ‘An Algorithm for Generating Cooperation in a Prisoners' Dilemma Game’, Duke University Program in International Political Economy, Working Paper no. 7, 1986).Google Scholar
10 It is, however, useful to remember that all parameters are indexed by party and the value of an additional seat for Communists may be very different from that for Socialists. Consequently, all the comparative statements that follow concern the behaviour of the same party (under different expected outcomes) and not comparisons of different parties.
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12 Equation 5 can be formally derived as a Taylor series first-order approximation of the likelihood of mutual co-operation (that is cohesion), if one uses the chain rule, since the signs of the required first derivatives are given in the text. This remark indicates that one could increase the precision of approximation, and use non-linear estimation routines for the empirical part. However, since this approach is a first approximation, I shall not follow this direction here.
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14 Overseas Departments (DOM) and Territories (TOM) are omitted.
15 This operationalization presents a problem because it ignores vote transfers that do not appear on the aggregate level. For example, if the Socialist represents the Left in the second round, one can not discriminate between the following cases: (1) all Communists transfer their votes and (2) some Communists abstain, while some abstainers in the first round vote Socialist (or vote for the Right, while some votes from the Right are transferred to the Socialist). Unfortunately, there is no way to correct for such ecological fallacies with aggregate data. However, because of the polarized electoral climate, I do not think that the ‘invisibility’ of the aggregate transfers is very significant.
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19 It might be argued that OLS is not appropriate in this case, since the residuals may be correlated. However, the use of OLS will not bias the estimates, but will decrease their efficiency, making hypothesis-testing more conservative. Thus, if OLS coefficients turn out to be statistically significant, this holds a fortiori for the GLS coefficients.
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