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The polemic about the karāmāt al-awliyā’ and the development of Ṣūfism in al-Andalus (fourth/tenth–fifth/eleventh centuries)1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Maribel Fierro
Maribel Fierro
Affiliation:
Consejo Superior De Investigaciones Cientificas, Madrid
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Extract

The flourishing of Ṣūfism in al-Andalus during the first half of the sixth/twelfth century with mystics like Ibn al-‘Arīf, Ibn Barrajān (who both died in 536/1141) and Ibn Qasī(d. 546/1151) has been interpreted in different ways. For M. Asín Palacios it reflects the influence of the mystical tradition initiated by Ibn Masarra in the second half of the third/ninth century, although he himself does not fail to mention the impossibility of providing evidence for such influence. For other scholars, it was mainly due to the influence of al-Ghazālī's works and thought. D. Urvoy, for his part, has shown how in the ‘image’ of Andalusian Islam during the fifth/eleventh-seventh/thirteenth centuries presented by scholars like Ibn Bashkuwāl and Ibn al-Abbār, Ṣūfism appears to be almost non existent. The question of what religious, intellectual and sociopolitical background allowed figures like Ibn al-‘Arīf, Ibn Barrajān and Ibn QasīT to appear, is still to be answered.

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Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , Volume 55 , Issue 2 , June 1992 , pp. 236 - 249
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Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1992

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References

2 “ Abenmasarra y su escuela (Madrid, 1914), especially pp. 108–110Google Scholar. Lagardère, V., in his article ‘La Ṭarīqa et la Révolte des Murīdūn en 539H/1144 en Andalus’, ROMM, 35, 1983, 157–70, repeats Asín's statement, without discussionGoogle Scholar.

3 This is so, for example, for Bel, A., ‘Le sūfisme en Occident musulman au XIIc et au XIIIc siècle de J. C.’, AIEO, I, 1934–1935, 145–61Google Scholar and A. Faure in his articles on the above-mentioned mystics in EI (2nd ed.). Both, following Asín, refer to the influence of Ibn Masarra, but without providing the evidence that Asin confessed was lacking.

4 See Urvoy, , Le monde des utemas andalous du V/XIc au VII/XIIIc siècle (Genève, 1978), 60, 63, 69, 76, 79, 107–8, 119et seq.Google Scholar

5 The subject has been dealt with by ‘U. b. Hamādī, ‘Karāmāt al-awliyā’: al-niqāsh al-ḥādd alladhī athārat-hu bi-l-Qayrawān wa-Qurṭuba fī awākhir al-qarn 4 H./10 M.’, Dirāsāt andalusiyya, 1990, 354–79Google Scholar, but without, in my view, appreciating the full implications of the issues involved.

6 See al-Abbār, Ibn, al-Takmila li-kitāb al-Sila (ed. Codera, F., Madrid, 1986, BAH, v–vi), no. 2029Google Scholar, where Abū Wahb is mentioned as ma'rūf at-karāmāt and as one of the abdāl. See also the study by Marín, M., ‘Un nuevo texto de Ibn Baškuwāl: Ajbār Abī Wahb’, Al-Qantara, x, 1989, 385–403Google Scholar.

7 He spent the last years of his life performing ribāṭ in the Middle Frontier of al-Andalus (with its capital at Toledo), where he died shahīd. A book was composed of his miracles, one of which is recorded by al-Dabbī. On Qaysī see al-Faradī, Ibn, Ta'rīkh ‘ulamā’ al-Andalus (ed. Codera, F., Madrid, 1891–92, BAH, vii–viii), no. 1349Google Scholar; ‘Iyāḍ, Qādī, Tartīb al-madārik wa-taqrīb al-masālik lima'rīfat a'lām madhhab Mālik (8 vols., Rabat, n.d,), VII, 203–4Google Scholar; al-Dabbī, , Bughyat al-multamis fī ta'rīkh rijdl al-Andalus (ed. Codera, F. and Ribera, J., Madrid, 1884–1885, BAH, III), no. 154Google Scholar. More biobibliographical references are found in Avila, M. L., La sociedad hispanomusulmana al final del califato (Madrid, 1985), no. 812Google Scholar.

8 See Bashkuwāl, Ibn, Kitāb al-Ṣi1a fī ta'rīkh a'immat al-Andalus (ed. Codera, F. and Ribera, J., Madrid, 1882–1883, BAH, i–ii ), no. 843Google Scholar; ‘Iyād, Qādī, Tartīb, VII, 211–5Google Scholar; Avila, , Sociedad, no. 1040Google Scholar.

9 This term indicates that the person in question is mujāb al-da'wa, that is, his prayers are answered by God.

10 See the study that accompanies my edition and translation of his Kitāb al-bida’ (Madrid, 1988)Google Scholar.

11 The difference between the North African (for example, Ibn Hārith al-Khushaī and ‘Iyāḍ) and the Andalusian biographical dictionaries (for example, Ibn al-Faraḍī) of the early centuries is evident to any scholar familiar with them and deserves to be studied.

12 ‘The early development of zuhd in al-Andalus’, forthcoming in the Proceedings of the 15th Congress of the Union Européenne des Arabisants et Islamisants, 13–19 septembre 1990. It covers the period from the conquest of al-Andalus until the beginning of the fourth/tenth century.

13 See Asín, , Abenmasarra, 145Google Scholar and Marín, M., ‘Nómina de sabios de al-Andalus (93–350/711–961)’, EOBA, i (Madrid), 1988, 23–182Google Scholar, no. 838.

14 The concept of wilāya was particularly developed by al-Ḥakīm al-Tirmidhī (third/ninth century): see Radtke, B., Al-Ḥakīm al-Tirmiḏī (Friburg, 1980), 89–94Google Scholar.

15 See al-Dhahabī, , Siyar a'lām al-nubalā’ (23 vols., Beirut, 1981–1985), XVIII, 306Google Scholar, in the biography devoted to his son, Ahmad Ibn al-Qattān (d. 460/1067), a well-known faqīh and muftī. Cf. the material found in Ibn Bashkuwāl, Ṣila, no. 128 and ‘Iyād, Qāḍī, Tartīb, VIII, 135–6Google Scholar.

16 Like those being prepared by M. Marín (fourth/tenth–fifth/eleventh centuries), Cristina de la Puente (seventh/twelfth–eighth/thirteenth centuries) and Purificatión Ruiz (Ibn Barrajān). The study in Al-Qantara, , xii/2, 1991Google Scholar, by J. M. Vizcaíno on ascetic and mystic works transmitted and composed in the orthodox milieu of al-Andalus enables us to define more closely the content and tendencies of its intellectual production. There is also some reference to mysticism in the fourth/ tenth century in al-Andalus, in my La heterodoxia en al-Andalus duranle el periodo omeya (Madrid, 1987), 129–31Google Scholar.

17 In the third/ninth century Adalusians may have been aware of the existence of Eastern Muslims who performed karāmāt, through works like Muḥammad b. Waḍḍāḥ's Kitāb al-'ubbād wa-'l-'awābid (lost). Karāmāt were attributed to the ‘Mahdī’ Ibn al-Qiṭṭ who rebelled in 288/900, but then he must have considered himself entitled to them as he claimed to be a prophet: see below, section 4.

18 See Simonet, F. J., Hisloria de los mozárabes de España (repr. Amsterdam, 1967)Google Scholar; de la Granja, F., ‘Milagros españoles en una obra polémica musulmana’, Al-Andalus, XXXIII, 1968, 311–65Google Scholar.

19 See Ḥazm, Ibn, Kitāb al-fisalfi I-milal wa-l-ahwā' wa-'l-niḥal (5 vols. in 1, Cairo, 1347–8), v, 3Google Scholar; transl. Palacios, M. Asín, Abenházam de Cόrdoba y su Hisloria Critica de las ideas religiosas (5 vols., Madrid, 1929), v, 150Google Scholar. See also Ashtor, E., The Jews of Moslem Spain (3 vols., Philadelphia, 1973–1984), II, 259–61Google Scholar.

20 On him see EI (2nd ed.) (H. R. Idris); Idris, H. R., ‘Deux juristes kairouanais de l'époque zīrīde: Ibn Abī Zayd et al-Qābisī’, AIEO, XII, 1954, 121–98Google Scholar; Fahd, B. M., ‘Ibn Abī Zayd al- Qayrawānī (382/956)’, Awrāq, 5–6, 1982–1983, 31–41Google Scholar. On the introduction of his works in al-Andalus, see Fürneas, J. M., ‘Receptiün y difusiün en al-Andalus de algunas obras de Ibn Abī Zayd al- Qayrawānī, Homenaje a D. Cabanelas (2 vols., Granada, 1987), i, 315–44Google Scholar.

21 On him see EI (2nd ed.) (R. J. McCarthy). Al-Bāqillānī's doctrines were well known in al- Andalus during the fifth/eleventh century, as is shown by the fact that Ibn Ḥazm in his Fiṣal attacks and refutes him in many instances. Further study of Ibn Hāzm's criticism of Ash'arites like al-Bāqillānī, Ibn Fūrak and al-Sumnānī will help to achieve a better understanding of the impact of Ash'arism on the intellectual milieu of al-Andalus prior to the introduction of al-Ghazāllī works.

22 See al-Dhahabī, , Siyar, XVII, 275–6Google Scholar. Ibn Jahḍam is considered the innovator of the ṣalāt alraghā'ib and was one of the most important teachers of the Andalusian al-Ṭalamankī, a key figure in the development of Andalusian Ṣūism.

23 A student of Ibn Abī Zayd. On him see al-Ḍabbī, , Bughya, no. 278Google Scholar; Bashkuwāl, Ibn, Ṣila, no. 1057Google Scholar; ‘Iyād, Qāḍī, Ṭartīb, VII, 188–91Google Scholar. See also Avila, , Sociedad, no. 767Google Scholar and Fierro, , Heterodoxia, 168–70Google Scholar.

24 Al-Aṣīlī's name was ‘Abd Allāh b. Ibrāhīm b. Muḥammad; he devoted himself to the new disciplines of uṣūl al-fiqh and uṣūl al-dīn. On him see al-Faraḍī, Ibn, Ta'rīkh, no. 758Google Scholar; al-Ḍabbī, , Bughya, no. 906Google Scholar; Qādī, ‘Iyād, Tartīb, VII, 135–45Google Scholar and Avila, Sociedad, no. 45.

25 A student of the mystic Abū Sa‘īb. al-A'rābī (d. 341/953) whose teacher was al-Junayd (d. 298/910). See on him Ibn al-Faradī, Ta'rīkh, no. 181; Ibn Bashkuwāl, Ṣila, no. 452; al-Ḍabbī, nos. 452 and 1566; see also Avila, Sociedad, no. 233.

26 A student of Ibn Jahdam and also of Ibn ‘Awn Allāh. On him see al-Ḍabbī, Bughya, no. 347; Ibn Bashkuwāl, Ṣila, no. 90; ‘Iyād, Qādī, Tartīb al-madārik, viii, 32–3Google Scholar; al-Dhahabī, , Siyar, xvii, 566–9Google Scholar, no. 374. See also my forthcoming study (to be published in Sharq al-Andalus, 9, 1992).

27 See Ibn Shaqq al-Layl's biography in Ibn Bashkuwāl, Kitāb al-sila apud Ibn al-Faradī, Ta'rīkh, no. 1758; al-Dhahabī, Siyar, xviii, 129–30. On his beliefs see Ibn Ḥazm, Fiṣal, IV, 138, transl. Asín, Abenházam, v, 55–6. Ibn Shaqq al-Layl died in Talavera, a site for the performance of ribāt which had been visited by Muḥammad b. Abī 1-Husām Ṭāhis.

28 Preserved in Bashkuwāl, Ibn, Kitāb al-mustaghithīn (ed., partial transl. and study by Marin, M., Madrid, 1991), no. 42Google Scholar.

29 On them see Avila, Sociedad, nos. 499 and 300; see also n. 65 on the book on karāmāt written by the Andalusian Ibn Fuṭays (d. 402/1011).

30 See Fierro, , Heterodoxia, 168Google Scholar.

31 Riyād al-nufūs (3 vols., Beirut, 1983)Google Scholar.

32 ‘Iyāḍ, Qāḍī was for the existence of the karāmāt al-awliyā’, as can be seen in his al-Shifā’ biia'rīfhūq'uq al-Mustafà (2 vols., Beirut, 1399/1979)Google Scholar.

33 ed.al-Mukhtār al-Tāhir al-Tilyalī (3 vols., Beirut, 1987), i, 579–85.Google Scholar

34 ed. in 13 vols. (Rabat, 1401/1981), n, 387–99.

35 ed. R. J. McCarthy (Beirut, 1958). In this book a difference is established between mu'jizāt (miracles which are probatory of prophecy) and karāmāt (miracles of the saints), while at the same time distinguishing both from magic and the tricks of imposters. Unfortunately, the part dealing with the karāmāt was missing from the manuscript used for this edition.

36 See al-Wansharīsī, Mi'yār, n, 388 and cf. Ibn Rushd, Fatīāwā, I, 583–4.

37 See EI (2nd ed.) s.v. karāmāt (D. B. Macdonald).

38 ibid.

39 See on this issue al-Wansharīsī, , Mi'yār, II, 394–5Google Scholar.

40 See also Kraemer, J. L., Philosophy in the renaissance of Islam: Abū Sulaymān al-Sijistānī and his circle (Leiden, 1986), 243–6Google Scholar.

41 See the end of this section, below.

42 It was admitted that a Muslim could see God in dreams. On dreams as a continuation of or substitution for prophecy see Friedmann, Y., Prophecy continuous: aspects of Ahmadī religious thought and its medieval background (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London, 1989), 83–6Google Scholar.

43 See the biography of al-Siqillī, al-Bakrī in Ibn Nājī, Ma'ālim al-īmān (Tunis, 1978), iii, 244, n. 267Google Scholar. See also al-Wansharīsī, Mi'yār, n 392; Idris, ‘Deux juristes ‘, 146–7.

44 See, for example, the case of Ibn Abī Zayd's contemporary, Zahrūn b. Hasrūn al-Ḥammāl, in al-Mālikī, Riyād, n, 383–8. See also Idris, H. R., Manāqib d'Abū Ishāq al-Jabanyānī par Abū I-Qāsim al-Lābidī et Manāqib Muhriz b. Ḥalaf par Abū l-Ṭāhir al-Fàrisī (Paris, 1959)Google Scholar.

45 There is an anecdote in which Ibn Abī Zayd seeks the help of a person considered mustajāb (the Ifrīqiyan equivalent of Andalusian mujāb al-da'wa) in order to cure his daughter: see al-Mālikī, Riyād, II, 501. However, those who were opposed to the karāmāt al-awliya’ could at the same time have accepted the ijābdt āl-da'wa.

46 See al-Wansharīsī, Mi'yār, II, 388, in the answer given by the North African muftī Ibn al-‘Abbās al-Qusantīnī (d. 871/1467): on him see Ibn Hamādī, art. cit., 37.

47 This is so for three scholars from Ifrīqiya, Muḥammad b. al-Fatḥ al-Murji’ (d. 334/945), Hasan b. Muhammad b. Hasan al-Kānishī (d. 347/958, himself a performer of miracles) and Ibn Abī Hishām al-Raba’ ī, al-Hannāt (d. 371/981): see al-Mālikī, Rivāḍ, n, 314 and QādI ‘Iyāḍ, Tartīb, vi, 46 and 213. See also Ibn Rushd, Fatāwā, I, 579.

48 See Tartīb, vi, 219Google Scholar.

49 See ‘yād, Qādī, Tartīb, VII, 141Google Scholar.

50 See Fierro, , Heterodoxia, 168–9Google Scholar.

51 See al-Wansharīsī, , Mi'yār, n, 391Google Scholar and Rushd, Ibn, Fatāwā, i, 580Google Scholar.

52 See this issue in ‘Iyād, Qādī, Tartīb, vi, 220Google Scholar.

53 On the formation and development of this dogma see Friedmann, , Prophecv continuous, 49–82Google Scholar.

54 See the definition without karāmāt made by Abū Mahallī (eleventh/seventeenth century) in Berque, J., Ulémas.fondateurs, insurgés du Magḥreb XVIIc siècle (Paris, 1982), 65 and cf. 53–4Google Scholar. See also M., Asín, El Islam cristianizado (2nd ed., Madrid, 1981), 198–215Google Scholar.

55 See Goldziher, I., ‘Influences chrétiennes dans la littérature religieuse de l'lslam’, RHR, XVIII, 1888, 180–99Google Scholar; Brunschvig, R., ‘L'argumentation d'un théologien musulmane du xc siécle contre le Judaisme’, Homenaje a Millàs Vallicrosa, I (Barcelona, 1954), 225–11, 226 and 228Google Scholar; Khoury, A. T., Polémique byzantine contre l'lslam (VIIIc-XIIIe siécle) (Leiden, 1972), 45Google Scholar; Rippin, A., Muslims: their religious beliefs and practices, i: The formative period (London and New York, 1990), 25–6Google Scholar.

56 See Bouamama, A., La littérature polémique musulmane contre le christianisme depuis ses origines jusqu'au xuf siécle (Alger, 1988), 27Google Scholar.

57 See Bouamama, 218. This modern scholar is a Muslim who rejects the miracles of Muḥammad: see especially op. cit., p. 219.

58 The book by al-Bāqillānī I'jāz al-Qur'ān was particularly important in imposing this dogma. For its presence in al-Andalus see al-Bājīs answer to the letter of the ‘Monk of France’, in Turki, A. M., ‘La lettre du “Moine de France” à al-Muqtadir billàh, roi de Saragosse, et la réponse d'al- Bājī, le faqih andalou (présentation, texte arabe, traduction)’ Al-Andalus, xxxi, 1966, 73–153, 145Google Scholar, and Ibn Ḥazm, Fiṣal, iv, 156, 166, 167, transl. Asín Palacios, Abenházam, v, 106–7, 130, 134.

59 See EI (2nd ed.) (D. B. Macdonald–L. Gardet). For a discussion of this question in modern India see U. Sanyal, ‘Wahhabis are Kafirs: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and his Sword of the Haramavn’, paper presented in the SSRC conference on ‘The making of a Fatwa’ (Granada, 10–13 January 1990).

60 See Ḥazm, Ibn, Jawāmi’ al-sīra (ed. I., ‘Abbās and Nāsir al-dīn Asad, Cairo, n.d.), p. 10Google Scholar, n. 10 and al-Bājīs answer to the letter of the ‘Monk of France’, Turki's edition, 144–5 and 148–9.

61 Bouamama, op. cit., p. 21, n. 1. He points out that the latter is the only one who ‘affirme que Muhammad renouvelle… le miracle de la Pentêcote: “Chaque messager recut le don de parler la langue du pays où il il devait se rendre”.’

62 See Stroumsa, S., ‘The Signs of Prophecy: the emergence and early development of a theme in Arabic theological literature’, Harvard Theological Review, 78, 1985, 101–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Stroumsa (whom I thank for sending me an off-print) points out the direct relationship between this genre and the polemics on prophecy with Christians and Jews.

63 Dalā'il al-nubuwwa, 3 vols. (Beirut, 1988).

64 A'lām al-nubuwwa (Beirut, 1989).

65 See Jarrar, M., Die Prophetenbiographie im islamischen Spanien: ein Beilrag zur Uberlieferung und Redaktionsgeschichte (Frankfurt, 1989), 134–5Google Scholar. The same Ibn Fuṭays wrote a book entitled Karāmāt al-sāliḥīn: see Boigues, F. Pons, Ensayo bio-bibliográfico sobre los histnriadores y geügrafos arábigo-españoles (Madrid, 1898), 103Google Scholar.

66 See Dozy, R., Recherches sur l'histoire et la littérature de l'Espagne pendant le Moyen Ăge (3rd ed., Leiden, 1881), I, 263Google Scholar. The comment by A. Cour in £7 EI (1st ed.), s.v. Abū ‘Ubayd al-Bakrī, that this work ‘was probably written to defend himself from the charge of heresy and religious indifference, which was so often brought against scholars in the early Almoravid period ‘is totally unfounded.

67 See on this point A. Bouamama, 32, 44, 201–15.

68 See Ḥazm, Ibn, Fiṣal, v, 6Google Scholar, transl. Asín, , Abenházam, v, 158–9Google Scholar. See also Ḥazm, Ibn, Jawāmi’ alsīra, 7–14Google Scholar; al-Bājī'Fs answer to the letter of the ‘Monk of France’, ed. Turki, 127 and n. 68; ‘Abd Allāh al-Zīrī, The ‘Tibyān’ transl. Tibi, A. T. (Leiden, 1986), 5/36Google Scholar; Tornero, E., ‘Cuestiones filosüficas del Kitāb al-masā'il de Ibn al-Sīd de Badajoz’, Al-Qanṭara, v, 1984, 15–31Google Scholar, esp. 17 and 28–9. For a later period see Palacios, M. Asin, ‘La polémica anticristiana de Mohámed el Caisi’, Revue Hispanique, xxi, (repr. 1963), 339–61Google Scholar.

69 See my forthcoming study Religiün en el s. v/xi, included in vol. VIII of the Historia de Espanña fundada por R. Menéndez Pidal y dirigida por J. Ma Jover, where I advance the hypothesis that the refutation of Islam by al-Kindī was introduced into al-Andalus in the fifth/eleventh century and that its attack on the miracles of the Prophet made the Muslims stress their belief in those miracles.

70 See now on this point Calder, N., ‘The ummī’ in early Islamic juristic literature’, Der Islam, 67, 1990, 111–23Google Scholar.

71 All these writings have been edited and studied by ‘Aqīl al-Ẓāhirī, Abū ‘Abd al-Raḥmān b. in Taḥqīq al-madhhab yatlūhā ajwibat al-‘ulamā’ bayna mu'ayyad wa-mu'āriḍ ḥawla da'wå kitābat alrasūl ṣl'm lismi-hi yawm ṣulḥ Ḥudaybiyya (Ryad, 1403/1983)Google Scholar.

72 See Taḥqīq, 171.

73 See al-Bājī, , Tahqīq, 198–9Google Scholar and Fierro, M. I., ‘Obras y transmisiones de hadīlṯ (ss. v/XI-VII/XIII) en la Takmila de Ibn al-Abbār ‘, Ibn al-Abbarpolitic i escriptor àrab Valencià (1199–1260) (Valencia, 1990), 205–22, 212–3Google Scholar.

74 As already pointed out by Goldziher, ‘Influences chrátiennes’, 182.

75 See de la Granja, F., ‘Fiestas cristianas en al-Andalus (Materiales para su estudio). I: al-Durr al-munaẓẓam de al-‘Azafī’, Al-Andalus, XXXIV, 1969, 1–53Google Scholar. See also Schimmel, A., And Muhammad is His Messenger (Chapel Hill, 1985)Google Scholar.

76 See Takeshita, M., Ibn ‘Arabī's theory of the Perfect Man and its place in the history of Islamic thought (Tokyo, 1987)Google Scholar.

77 See Fiṣal, iv, 126–9, 150, 169–71 and v, 14–18; transl. Asín, , Abenházam, v, 21–6, 88, 137–41, 182–4Google Scholar. See also for related questions Fiṣal, iv, 161–2, transl. Asín, Abenházam, v, 118–19 and 120–21. See also Friedmann, Prophecy continuous, 77–80.

78 See also al-Wansharīsī, Mi'yār, ii, 398–9 and the partial translation by Arnar, E. (based on the lithographic edition of Fes 1214–5 A.H.) in Archives Marocaines, XII, 1908, 348–9Google Scholar.

79 See Fiṣal, iv, 155, transl. Asín, Abenházam, v, 103; Turki, A. M., Polémiques entre Ibn Ḥazm et Bāğīsur lesprincipes de la hi musulmane (Alger, 1973), 169–70Google Scholar. Ibn Ḥazm launches a serious attack against those passages of the Old Testament where prophets appear as having committed sins: see di Matteo, I., ‘Le pretese contraddizioni della S. Scrittura secondo Ibn Hazm’, Bessarione, XXXIX, 1923, 85Google Scholar.

80 See Fiṣal, iv, 150; trans. Asín, Abenházam, v, 88.

81 al-Wansharīsī, Mi'yār, II, 328 and see my study ‘El proceso contra Ibn Ḥātim al-Ṭulayṭulī (añfios 457/1064–464/1071)’, Anaquel de Estudios Arabes, iv, 1993 (forthcoming).

82 See Fiṣal, iv, 164 and 167–8, transl. Asín, Abenházam, v, 124 and 134–7.

83 See Fiṣal, v, 2–11, transl. Asín, Abenházam, v, 147–75; see also Fiṣal, i, 89–90, transl. Asín, Abenházam, n, 228–9.

84 On him see EI (2nd ed.), s.v. (W. Madelung). Ibn Ḥazm and al-Isfarā'inī seem to have reached the same conclusions independently.

85 See Friedmann, Prophecy continuous, 62.

86 For definitions of the difference see Friedman, Prophecy continuous, 69: ‘Several commentators define a messenger (rasūl) as a person to whom Allāh revealed a book and a law; a Prophet (nabī), on the other hand, is said to be a person who was commanded by Allāh to propagate a law brought by someone who had preceded him. In theory, this distinction could have enabled the Muslims to accept the possibility that prophets (as distinguished from messengers) would appear after Muḥammad's death: not only would they not supersede his law, but they could also reaffirm it. It seems, however, that only late Ṣūfi thinkers availed themselves of this intriguing opportunity and drew this conclusion from the classical distinction between legislative and non-legislative prophecy.’ See also ibid., 88.

87 See Mi'yār, II, 393–4.

88 See Friedmann, Prophecy continuous, 65–8 and also Ferhat, H. and Triki, H., ‘Faux prophètes et mahdis dans le Maroc médiéval’, Hespéris-Tamuda, XXVI–XXVII, 1988–1989, 5–24Google Scholar.

89 See Fierro, Heterodoxia, 45–8.

90 ibid., 7–4.

91 cf. a similar miracle attributed to the Prophet in Ibn Ḥazm, Jawāmi’ al-sīra, p. 8, no. 4.

92 See Fierro, Heterodoxia, 106–11.

93 This ‘Fāṭima’ must be understood as referring to Fāṭima bint ‘Amr, the wife of ‘Abd al-Muṭṭalib and mother of Abū Ṭālib, and not to the Prophet's daughter. Those Ṭālibids called ‘al-Fāṭimī’ were named so after this Fāṭima bint ‘Amr: see my study ‘On al-Fātimī and al-Fāṭimiyyūn’, a paper read to the fifth International Colloquium From Jahiliyya to Islam, 1–6 July 1990.

94 This was a practice of the Jazūliyya and it is also attributed to the Khārijī ‘Uraar al-Mu'ayṭī on whom see al-Wansharīsī, Mi'yār, II, 396–8.

95 See Fierro, Heterodoxia, 128–9.

96 ibid., 166–8.

97 See on them Fierro, M. I. y Faghia, S., ‘Un nuevo texto de tradiciones escatolügicas sobre al-Andalus’, Sharq al-Andalus, 1, 1990, no. 14Google Scholar.

98 Friedmann, Prophecy continuous, 83 and 84.

99 On him see my Heterodoxia, 129–30.

100 Prophecy continuous, 86.

101 See Friedmann, Prophecy continuous, 89 and Chodkiewicz, M., Le sceau des saints. Prophétic et saintété dans la doctrine d'lbn al-'Arabī (Paris, 1986)Google Scholar. For a similar problem in Christendom see Reeves, M., The influence of prophecy in the later Middle Ages: a study in Joachinism (Oxford, 1969)Google Scholar.

102 See the study of Turki, Polémiques entre Ibn Ḥazm et Bāğī sur les principes de la hi musulmane.

103 See al-Dhahabī, Siyar, xv, 558: qāla l-Ṭalamankī fī raddihi ‘alā l-bātinīya: Ibn Masarra idda'ā nubuwwa wa-za'ama annahu sami'a l-kalām fī-thabata fi nafsihi annahu min ‘inda Allāh.

104 have already pointed out that this tendency to propose the Prophet as a model to be followed was countered by those who set him in his historical context, see 3.2 above.

105 See Ibrāhīm, Ibn, al-l'lām bi man ḥalla bi-Marrakush, vol. II (Rabat, 1974), 19Google Scholar.

106 Bulliett, R. W. in his Conversion to Islam (Cambridge, Mass, and London, 1979), 126CrossRefGoogle Scholar, maintains that the ‘traditional’ groups would have been the ‘old’ converts, while the recent or new’ converts would have been those who more easily accepted the new disciplines like the uṣūl al-fiqh and uṣūlal-dīn and Ṣūfism. This is an interesting theory but has still to be proved. In the case of al-Ṭalamankī, all the available evidence points to his being an ‘old’ Muslim and he was far from being ‘traditional’.

107 This text is to be found in Ibn al-Abbār, Takmila, no. 1292. Ibn Hamādī in his article, mentioned in note 4, interprets the text as referring to the muftī who would have been the leader of the jamā'a (?) in charge of giving legal opinions. This interpretation is not supported by the vocabulary used in Andalusian biographical dictionaries when referring to the muftīs and the fuqahā’ mushāwarūn.

108 See Lagardère, art. cit., and Dreher, J., ‘L'imāmat d'Ibn Qasī à Mértola (automne 1144-été 1145). Légitimité d'une domination soufie?’, MIDEO, 18, 1988, 153–210Google Scholar.

109 Also in those of the North African Tūmart, Ibn: see ‘Abd al-Majīd al-Najjār, Al-Mahdī Ibn Tūmart (Beirut, 1983), 225–53Google Scholar.

110 The Arabic text was edited by Goodrich, D. R., ‘A “Sufi” revolt in Portugal: Ibn Qasi and his “Kitab khal’ al-na'layn” ‘(Columbia univ. Ph.D., 1978)Google Scholar, and by Dreher, J., Das Imāmat des islamischen Mystikers Abūlqāsim Aḥmad ibn Ḥusain ibn Qasī (gest. 1151). Eine Studie zum Selbsverständnis des Autors des‘ Buchs vom Ausziehen der beiden Sandalen' (Kitāb Ḫal' al-Na‘lain) (Bonn, 1985)Google Scholar.