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Some Khotanese Past Participles

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 December 2009

Extract

One of the difficulties in the study of the verbal system of a language that is comparatively little known can be finding the appropriate past participles to go with present stems or the reverse. This difficulty faces those working with Khotanese. H. W. Bailey has only recently assigned ārsta- to ārīh- ‘to share’ and pärsta- to prïh- ‘to conceal’. Some further suggestions I make here for the first time.

Type
Notes and Communications
Copyright
Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1966

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References

1 Henning, W.B., ‘Das Verbum des Mittelpersischender Turfanfragmente’, ZII, IX, 2, 1933, 192.Google Scholar

2 I. Gershevitch, GMS, £ 540, n. 1, p. 84.

3 I. Gershevitch, GMS, £ 147, p. 21.

4 Ghilain, A., Essai sur la langue parthe, 1939, 98;Google ScholarBoyce, M., The Manichaean hymn cycles in Parthian, 1954, 191.Google Scholar

5 Maitreya-samiti, 83; E, p. 257.

6 27 a 3; 33 a 1 in Konow, S., Salca studies, 1932.Google Scholar

7 Information supplied by H. W. Bailey.

8 See Konow, S., SPA W, 1934, 440.Google Scholar

9 Bailey, H. W., AM, NS, I, 1, 1949, 46.Google Scholar

10 Konow, S., NTS, XI, 1939, 57.Google Scholar

11 A. Ghilain, op. cit., 53.

12 Bailey, H. W., TPS, 1956, 114.Google Scholar

13 Leumann, E., Zur nordarischen Sprache und Literatur, 1912, 72.Google Scholar

14 Explanation of palśti is due to H. W. Bailey.

15 Konow, S., Primer of Khotanese Saka, 1949, 38 is quite unreliable.Google Scholar

16 It has not been noticed hitherto that the phrase drreha jsä brrīyikya vīrāṣṭä in the Staël-Holstein Miscellany (64, KT, II, 75) provides a clear parallel with drrāha hā bīkā ttu däśu in E.

17 Rather ‘in the direction of the beloved’, as Kh. uses loc. of the goal of motion (see Emmerick, R. B., BSOAS, XXVIII, 1, 1965, 32) and däśā- means ‘direction’ not ‘region’.Google Scholar

18 E, p. 446, s.v. drāh-.

19 Konow, S., NTS, XI, 1939, 55.Google Scholar

20 Handbuch der Orientalistilc, Abt. I, IV. Bd., Iranistik, 1, Linguistik, 1958.

21 AM, NS, II, 1, 1951, 39.Google Scholar

22 Reading and interpretation due to H. W. Bailey.

23 haṃdrrāysī is LKh. for haṃdrawysī, already connected with Pahlavi andarvāδ and Parthian 'ndrw'z by Bailey, H. W., Zoroastrian problems, 1943, p. 126,Google Scholar n. 2. This is preferable to his view in BSOAS, X, 3, 1941, 598.Google Scholar

24 On I E *ep-extensions, see Kuiper, F. B. J., Die indogermanischen Nasalpräsentia, 1937, 60.Google Scholar

25 Nirangistan, ed. A. Waag, 1941, p. 93.

26 As Mayrhofer, M., Kurzgefasstes etymologisches Worterbuch dts Altindischen, II, 1963,Google Scholar s.v.drāpiḥ, following Bailey, H. W., TPS, 1954, 147–8.Google Scholar

27 O.Ind. dhṛ- has all these meanings.

28 Vorob'ev-Desjatovskij, V. S. and Vorob'eva-Desjatovskaja, M. I. (ed.), Skazanie o Bhadre (novye listy sakskoj rukopisi ‘E’), Moscow, 1965, 45. This work provides an important addition to our knowledge of Khotanese. I take the opportunity to note here one or two small points by way of improvement on the text. In 2.139 read haṃ väte ‘always’, as elsewhere in E. In 2.155 read rraysa haphara ‘empty distractions’, the same phrase as E 6.6. In 2.167 read mannä hamatte. hamatte cannot in OKh. be the same as hamättä (E 23.131) ‘changes’ *fra-miOatai, but is a new verb, *fra-madatai. The unplaced folios on pp. 296–7 are folios 267 and 268.Google Scholar

29 BSOAS, X, 3, 1941, 579.Google Scholar

30 JRAS, 1954, 29–30; TPS, 1954, 132–3.

31 On this, see Bailey, H. W., JRAS, 1953, 110.Google Scholar

32 Bailey, H. W., BSOAS, XXI, 3, 1958, 530–1: ‘to pour; to dry; to satiate’.Google Scholar

33 Dresden, M. J., The Jātakastava, 432.Google Scholar

34 Dresden, M. J., The Jātakastava, 481, s.v. bihī.Google Scholar

35 Dresden, M. J., The Jātakastava, 431.Google Scholar