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On several occasions in the Nara period, the Takahasi 
and the Azumi 
families quarrelled over the precedence to be observed at religious ceremonies. These petty struggles for preference are in themselves of little historical significance, but they are of interest in that certain family records with which the Takahasi family attempted to justify their claims have been preserved and constitute what is known as the Takahasi Uzibumi
(The corresponding Azumi records have unfortunately been lost.) Though the exact date of its composition is unknown, the Takahasi Uzibumi belongs undoubtedly to the 8th century and is the oldest extant document of its kind; yet it appears to have been neglected by commentators, for I have been unable to find any commentary on it save that of the kokugakusya Ban-Nobutomo 
(1773–1846)1 Certainly, these fragmentary records do not have as great a value as, say, the records of the Imibe family, the Kogo Syuui
page 113 note 1 Takahasi Uzibumi Kootyuu 
Contained in Ban-Nobutomo Zensyuu 
(Tookyoo, 1907), vol. 3, pp. 45–112.Google Scholar
page 114 note 1 The naizensi was an office, under the kunaisyoo 
in charge of the preparation, tasting, and serving of food to the Emperor. There was also under the kunaisyoo a separate office, called the daizensiki, 
in charge of the preparation of food for the Palace officials and also of the supply of food sent as tribute (tyoo 
) from the provinces.
page 114 note 2 A different term (kami 
) was used of any officials reaching this position who were not members of the Takahasi and Azumi families.
page 114 note 3 I have been able to verify neither my tentative reading of this name, nor that of the names ‘ Hiroyosi’ 
‘ Hamaro ’ 
and ‘ Ohotahe-no-Narihuki ’ 
which appear later in the edict.
page 114 note 4 ‘ hu’ 
A dazyookan-pu was properly a document addressed by the dazyookan to some lower-ranking bureau. The present case appears to be an exception, since the zingikan was not subordinate to the dazyookan.
This edict is included in Ban-Nobutomo's commentary (pp. 107–110) as part of the Takahasi Uzibumi. My reasons for giving it here in translation only, and omitting the original text, are stated on p. 120 below. I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to Professor K. Enoki and Mr. D. C. Lau for much valuable advice concerning the interpretation of difficult points in the text of this dazyookan-pu, which, like all ancient Japanese official documents for many centuries after the introduction into Japan of Chinese learning, is in Chinese, or a form of Chinese.
page 114 note 5 Some official of the dazyookan.
page 115 note 1 The Empress Gensyoo 
(A.D. 715–723).
page 115 note 2 
Also called zingoziki, zingonge, or karnuimake. A ceremony held in the Sinkaden 
of the Tyuuwain 
Satow, Ernest Sir, in his ‘ Ancient Japanese Rituals ’, pt. iiiGoogle Scholar (Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, First Series, vol. 9, p. 184Google Scholar), says of it: ‘ It was the custom in the very earliest times to perform every month at the Mikado's palace a rite called Kamu Ima-ge no Matsuri …, the “ Service of the Divine New Food ”, which evidently could not have been, on every occasion, the lately harvested crop of rice. It was probably freshly hulled rice that was offered to the gods at these celebrations, and afterwards partaken of by the Mikado. In later times this Matsuri was held only twice a year, on the 11th day of the 6th and 12th months, immediately after the Tsuki-nami no Matsuri or so-called “ Monthly Service ”. Detailed directions are given in the Gi-shiki (bk. 1, f. 26 v.), which show the nature of the ceremonies observed in the 9th century. Towards evening the Mikado proceeded to a special building called the Naka no Win, which stood west of the Palace, where he immediately took a bath, and then the service called the Oho-tono Hogahi or “ Luck-wishing of the Great Palace ”, was performed, after which mats were brought in and his bed was made. This was supposed to be symbolic of the rejoicings on the occasion of the completion of the first palace of the first Mikado, and of his taking possession of it as his residence, sleeping in a house being regarded as a sign of ownership. (For this reason a pillow is often placed in the shrine of a Shin-tau temple, as a symbol of the god's presence.) The Chief Cook, who bore the ancient title of Kashihade no tomo no miyatsuko, kindled fire by means of the fire-drill and began to cook the rice, while the Adzumi no sukune (originally called Watadzumi no murazhi, a superintendent of fishers) blew up the fire. Other persons prepared various dishes to be eaten along with the rice. Towards eleven o'clock the procession was formed, headed by the Chief Cook bearing a torch, and followed by other functionaries carrying the utensils, dishes, soups, water, and sake, part to be offered to the gods, part for the Mikado. About midnight the meal was cleared away. The Mikado and his suite passed the night in the building, and about half-past three next morning his breakfast was served in the same style. About five o'clock he changed his clothes, and returned to his own apartments, where the Oho-tono Hogahi was again performed.’ It is stated in the dictionary Gensen 
that the zinkonziki was first performed in the second year of Reiki (the year in question here), though whether in the sixth or the twelfth month is not mentioned. The source of this information is not given, but if the statement is correct, it is possible that the occasion mentioned in this part of the edict was in fact the first performance of the ceremony.
page 115 note 3 A.D. 716.
page 115 note 4 
The designation of the six officials of the naizensi next in rank to the buzen.
page 115 note 5 The Sinsen Syoozi-roku 
, under the heading ‘ Takahasi-no-asomi ’ in) Sinten 
Yokohama, 1936, p. 1701)Google Scholar, says ‘ Descended, like the Abe-no-asomi, from Oho-inakosi- no-mikoto. When the Emperor Keikoo was on a tour of inspection of the eastern provinces, they (the ancestors of the Takahasi) served him with a large clam (or: large clams), whose flavour so pleased him that he bestowed on them the title of kasihade-no-omi. In the twelfth year of the Emperor Ame-no-nuna-hara-oki-no-mahito (posthumous name: Tenmu), this was changed to Takahasi-no-asomi.’
page 116 note 1 A.D. 775.
page 116 note 2 ‘ harahe ’ 
This was imposed on them because they had profaned the sanctity of the ceremony. It is described by Florenz, , in his article ‘ Ancient Japanese Rituals—Pt. IV ’ (TASJ., First Series, vol. 27, pt. 1, p. 5Google Scholar), as ‘ the purification of an individual person from the pollution contracted by some offence, in which case the guilty person himself had to provide certain offerings to the Gods. This was originally a mere religious ceremony, the offerings provided by the offender being, in the beginning, probably only such things of his personal property as were considered to have been polluted. They were thrown away into the water. But out of this developed, in the course of time, the idea of a penalty …’ According to Gensen, a scale of these ‘ expiatory fines ’ for offences at religious ceremonies (great 
upper 
middle 
and lower 
according to the gravity of the crime) was laid down in A.D. 801, but the later reference to ‘ upper and middle rituals of expiation ’ in this edict shows that some such scale was in use before that date.
page 116 note 3 A.D. 789.
page 116 note 4 It is not known what this matter was.
page 116 note 5 
page 116 note 6 
page 116 note 7 The reign of the Emperor Koonin 
(770–781).
page 116 note 8 i.e. he did not wish to upset a decision made by his predecessor.
page 116 note 9 A.D. 791.
page 116 note 10 The two zinkonziki ceremonies (sixth and twelfth months) and the niiname-maturi (eleventh month).
page 117 note 1 For the text of the Nihongi at this point, see Plate I. In the above translation, I have shown by inverted commas the extent to which the edict quotes from the Nihongi (the text of these quotations actually differs from that of the Nihongi in two or three minor details).
page 117 note 2 The Emperor Keikoo 
page 117 note 3 In Yamato.
page 117 note 4 According to the traditional chronology, Keikoo reigned from A.D. 71–130, and his fiftythird year is therefore A.D. 123. Modern scholarship, however, places his reign at the end of the 3rd century, the conjectured dates given in R. K. Reischauer's Early Japanese History being A.D. 291–322.
page 117 note 5 In the edict 
but in the Nihongi 
This latter is taken by Ban-Nobutomo (p. 49) to mean the straits between Awa and Sagami (i.e. the entrance to what is now Tookyoo Bay), and this appears to be the most common interpretation. Aston's translation of this passage is ‘… crossed to the harbour of Aha ’.
page 117 note 6 In the version of the story given in the Takahasi Uzibumi, it is the Empress who hears the bird's cry, and wishes to see its form, while it is Mutukari, ancestor of the Takahasi family, who goes out to try to catch it.
page 117 note 7 ‘ kakuga-no-tori ’ 
This is identified in dictionaries with the misago 
(the fish-hawk or osprey), though there seems to be considerable doubt whether such an identification is correct.
page 117 note 8 Great-grandson of the Emperor Koogen 
page 117 note 9 ‘ kasihade-no-ohotomo-be.’ This passage means that Mutukari was appointed to the control of the staff of the Imperial kitchens. The Takahasi Uzibumi describes the creation of this ‘ ohotomo- be ’. The establishment by the Emperor Keikoo of the ‘ kasihade-no-ohotomo-be ’, a term translated by Chamberlain as ‘ the Great Butlers’ Tribe ’, is also mentioned in the Koziki. The Syooziroku, under the heading ‘ Kasihade-no-ohotomo-be ’, states that this was a title given to Mutukari on the occasion of the incident of the clams (see Sinten, p. 1701). Ban-Nobutomo, however, maintains (pp. 76–7) that no such title was given to him, and that the ‘ Kasihade-no-ohotomo- be ’ of the Syooziroku were a branch of his descendants who took as their name that of the ‘ be ’ of which their ancestor had been head.
page 117 note 10 The Emperor Oozin 
The dates of his reign are traditionally A.D. 270–312, but according to Reischauer 380–394.
page 117 note 11 In Yamato.
page 117 note 12 The Nihongi says: ‘ …was sent to subdue their clamour and was therefore made …’
page 118 note 1 The Emperor Suuzin 
(97–28 B.C. or A.D. 230–258).
page 118 note 2 Those of Keikoo, Seimu, Tyuu-ai, Zingoo-Koogo, and Oozin, i.e. the system of reckoning is inclusive. ‘ More than two hundred years ’ cannot refer to the time between the two appointments, which took place (according to the old chronology) in A.D. 123 and A.D. 272. The reference must be to the total period of years covered by the five reigns.
page 118 note 3 Contained in the extant sections of the Taihoo code.
page 118 note 4 
Sixth of the ‘ hatigyaku ’ 
the eight types of crime which, according to the Taihoo code, were too serious to be pardoned even at a time of general amnesty. The remainder were 
and 
Originally there had been ten such crimes, on the model of the zyuu-aku 
of T‘ang China, but of these 
and 
were latter removed from the list.
page 118 note 5 i.e. the dismissal from office.
page 118 note 6 It is not clear whether this sentence forms part of the Imperial command, or whether this should be regarded as ending with the previous sentence ‘ The rest … your report ’. Of the two alternatives the former seems the more likely.
page 118 note 7 The original text has ‘ nineteenth ’. Ban-Nobutomo's emendation to ‘ eighteenth ’ is based on the account of the incident given in the Ruizyuu Kokusi 
where the day is indicated by the cyclical signs.
page 118 note 8 A.D. 792.
page 119 note 1 
This was a work recording in calendrical order certain practices and customs in connexion with the various festivals of the year. Only the sections dealing with the fourth, fifth, and sixth months are now extant; they are contained in Gunsyo Ruizyuu 
series i, no. 6 (Tookyoo, 1932)Google Scholar. According to the Hontyoo Syozyaku Mokuroku, 
(in Gunsyo Ruizyuu, series i, no. 28), the work was compiled by one Kinkata 
Now, Ban-Nobutomo (p. 46) conjectures that this may possibly have been a certain Koremuneno- Ason Kinkata 
who is referred to in a document of 926. This conjecture, however, cannot be supported by evidence, and depends on yet another conjecture. The author of the Seizi Yooryaku (see n. 3 below) also had the comparatively rare name Koremune, and furthermore the same official title (
) as the above Koremuneno- Ason Kinkata. Thus the former, who lived at the end of the 10th century, may have been the son or at least a relative of the latter. There is therefore some ground for supposing, if this relationship is assumed, that the Hontyoo Geturyoo, which is a work of much the same type as the Seizi Yooryaku, was written by this Koremune-no-Ason Kinkata.
page 119 note 2 
This is another record of festival practice, likewise contained in Gunsyo Ruizyuu, series i, no. 6. A colophon tells us that it was begun in the Einin 
period (1293-8) and completed in the Kareki 
period (1326–8), but the identity of the author is unknown.
page 119 note 3 
A work compiled during the reign of the Emperor Itizyoo — 
(987–1011) by Koremune-no-Ason Kotosuke 
This too dealt with the festival calendar, but also contained legal information, in connexion with shrines, registers, land, etc. It was originally in 130 volumes, but of these only nine are now extant; they are included in Sisehi Syuuran 
(Tookyoo, 1903)Google Scholar, Gaihen 
page 119 note 4 
‘ imibi ’kindled with special precautions against pollution. On the morning of the first day of the sixth, eleventh, and twelfth months, rice and other food was cooked in the naizensi over such a ‘ pure fire ’ (the cooking-stove in the naizensi was itself actually called imibi) and served to the Emperor in the Seiryooden. The custom is said to have originated in the time of the Emperor Keikoo, and to mark the beginning of the religious ceremonies held in the months in question.
page 120 note 1 A ceremony, held on the day after the niiname-maturi or three days after the daizyoosai, at which new rice was served to the Emperor and the Court officials. Strictly speaking, it was not part of the daizyoo or niiname ceremonies, but a form of celebration afterwards. The name is said to refer to the reddening of the face as a result of drinking sake.
page 120 note 2 Chamberlain's translation, p. 10.
page 121 note 1 See p. 49 of Ban-Nobutomo's commentary.
page 121 note 2 For the theories described in this paragraph, see p. 49 and also p. 93 of the commentary.
page 121 note 3 Even in the second section, where, according to Ban-Nobutomo, we have an edict of the Emperor Keikoo preserved in other respects in its original form.
page 121 note 4 pp. 104–5 of the commentary.
page 122 note 1 
Tookyoo, 1952, vol. iv, p. 448.
page 123 note 1 ‘ Wo-usu-no-miko ’ (‘ Yamato-Takeru-no-miko ’). Ban-Nobutomo (p. 46) says that he had been dead for fourteen years before the incidents of this story, but according to the Nihongi he died in the forty-third year of Keikoo's reign, i.e. only ten years before.
page 123 note 2 Probably the small island of that name off the coast near Katiyama 
in modern Tiba-ken. Ban-Nobutomo (pp. 49–50) mentions a small shrine on it called Ukisima Myoozin 
and suggests, on the strength of a local tradition, that this may have been the site of the temporary residence used by Keikoo during his visit to this district.
page 123 note 3 A plain in the district (
) of the same name in the province of Simoosa. The pronunciation given for this name in the Wamyoosyoo 
‘ Katosika ’ 
but in the Man-yoosyuu it appears as ‘ Katusika’, the form which it has to-day.
page 123 note 4 ‘ Yasaka-no-iri-hime-no-mikoto’, a consort of the Emperor Keikoo. Note that ‘ ohokisaki’ here means ‘ Empress ’ and not, as is usual, ‘ Empress Dowager ’.
page 123 note 5 From this it would seem that the name ‘ kakuga-no-tori ’, by which these birds are described in the Nihongi, is probably onomatopoeic. (See also n. 7, p. 117.)
page 123 note 6 A bow whose ends (‘ hazu ’) are made of horn.
page 123 note 7 The word katuo (‘bonito ’) is almost certainly derived from an earlier *kata-uo, meaning ‘ hard fish ’, presumably because bonito is usually eaten in dried form. Now when the text says that what was later called 
(i.e. ‘ katuwo ’) was originally called 
it is reasonable to suppose that these characters stand for ‘ kata-uwo ’, particularly as kata is the first element in the normal reading (katakuna) of 
. Even if we agree with Ban-Nobutomo's reading ‘ kata-uwo ’, however, we can hardly accept his interpretation of its meaning here. The first element of katakuna, he says (p. 56), means ‘ inclining in one direction, to one side ’, and it is in this meaning that kata is used in ‘ kata-uwo ’; the fish were so named by Mutukari because they all came crowding up to the side of his boat. (Though the kata of katakuna is normally taken to be from katasi [‘ hard ’], it is somewhat strange that the character for the whole word katakuna should be used in the meaning ‘ hard ’, when properly it signifies ‘ obstinate ’, ‘ stupid ’. Is it perhaps possible that, whatever the reading, the use of the characters 
is meant to imply ‘ stubborn fish ’ or ‘ stupid fish ’, since these creatures were birds turned by a curse into fish for having eluded the efforts of Mutukari to catch them and thus prevented him from satisfying the desire of the Empress to see them ?)
page 124 note 1 Ban-Nobutomo, p. 58, says that this interpolated note is obscure, but quotes a description given him by a native of Awa of (contemporary) local methods of fishing for bonito and suggests that the method referred to in the note may have been somewhat similar. Instead of bait, a piece ofcarved horn was used, to the side of which an iron hook was tied. The line passed through a small hole in the base of the horn, and bamboo poles 7 or 8 sun round and 8 or 9 syaku long were used as rods. Sometimes the horn was wrapped in the skin of hugu 
or black birds' down. The fish would crowd round the boats vying with each other to bite at the horn, and it had even been known for fish to leap out of the water into boats. According to the Heibonsya 
encyclopædia (vol. 5, Tookyoo, 1932)Google Scholar imitation bait of horn (as an alternative to live bait), is still used to-day in katuo-fishing, and hugu skin and birds' down serve apparently to make the imitation bait look like fish used as live bait.
page 124 note 2 From an ancient word meaning ‘ to go aground on the sand ’. 
is an ate-zi.
page 124 note 3 ‘ yasaka ’, literally ‘ eight syaku ’, here means only ‘ large ’. ‘ umugi ’ is an old word for hamaguri ‘ clam ’.
page 124 note 4 According to the Kuni-no-miyatuko Hongi 
part of the Kuziki 
or Sendai (
) Kuzi Hongi, the name of the first kuni-no-miyatuko of Musasi, appointed in the reign of Seimu 
the emperor following Keikoo, was ‘ Etamohi’ 
(The Kuziki is a historical work, purporting to have been compiled by Syootoku Taisi and Soga-no- Umako, but in fact a forgery of much later date.)
page 124 note 5 Note that although Titibu is here treated as separate from Musasi, it is later referred to as ‘ Musasi-no-kuni Titibu ’.
page 124 note 6 Ban-Nobutomo, pp. 61–2, supposes that this refers to descendants of two of the 32 deities in attendance on ‘ Nigi-hayabi-no-mikoto ’ 
when he descended from Heaven. The names of these two deities are given in the Tensin Hongi 
section of the Kuziki as ‘ Ame-no-uhabaru-no-mikoto ’ 
and ‘ Ame-no-sitaharu-no-mikoto ’ 
and it is noted there of the second of the two that he was the ancestor of the kuni-nomiyatuko of Titibu. Further, it is stated in the Kuni-no-miyatuko Hongi that the first kuni-nomiyatuko of Titibu (said to have been appointed in the reign of Suuzin) was a descendant of one ‘ Ya-kokoro-omohi-kane-no-mikoto ’ 
and this latter figure appears to have been the father of the two deities in question here.
page 124 note 7 Ban-Nobutomo (p. 62) interprets 
as referring to other dishes served in addition to the clam and bonito. I have taken it, however to refer only to the various ways—boiled, broiled, and as namasu—in which Mutukari's offering of clam and bonito were prepared (i.e. I interpret Ban-Nobutomo's ‘ kusagusa ’ to mean, not‘ kusagusa wo ’, but ‘ kusagusa ni’).
page 124 note 8 This is thought to be what is now known as Mt. Yamamoto 
in Tateno-mura 
(Tiba-ken). The place-name ‘ Kahaha ’ occurs in the Wamyoosyoo.
page 124 note 9 The vegetable wax-tree (Rhus succedanea). Another form of the word is haze.
page 125 note 1 ‘ takasuki’ were dishes on stands, used at the daizyoosai. The Yuusyoku Kozitu Ziten 
by Sekine-Masanao, 
and Katoo-Teiziroo, 
(Tookyoo, 1923Google Scholar) states that they were utensils of between five and six sun in height and seven sun across, and were placed on eight-legged tables, the whole being covered with oak-leaves; but the accompanying illustration is not very helpful, since we can see the table and oak-leaves, but not the utensils themselves. Now the Engisiki 
(from which the above facts about dimensions are taken—see Ban-Nobutomo, p. 63, where the relevant passage is quoted, or Sinten, p. 1261) tells us that takasuki had four ‘ wori-asi ’ 
; Dai Nihon Kokugo Ziten 
and other dictionaries, however, state that takasuki were the same as takatuki, which were single-legged stands for dishes, or stands and dishes combined, in ordinary secular use (for an illustration of these, see Yuusyoku Kozitu Ziten, under takatuki). Faced with these contradictory statements, it is difficult to decide what the form of the takasuki actually was. There is no doubt, however, that etymologically this word and takatuki are the same, suki being an alternative form of tuki 
or 
‘ hirasuki’ were also utensils used at the daizyoosai. Of modern works of reference, only the Heibonsya encyclopaedia (vol. 16, Tookyoo, 1933Google Scholar) attempts to explain how the hirasuki differed from the takasuki, suggesting that the former were lower than the latter. The Engisiki, however (loc. cit.), states that their dimensions were the same as those of the takasuki, adding ‘ tadasi asi ha worazare ’ (
)—though it is not clear exactly what this means. In the Eikyoo Daizyoo-e-ki 
(quoted in Dai Nihon Kokugo Ziten) there appears the note ‘ takasuki (kubote), hirasuki (hirade)’. This suggests that, whether or not they were of the same height, the hirasuki and the takasuki may have differed in the type of dish that they supported, those used with the former being flat, or at least shallow, and those used with the latter being less shallow.
page 125 note 2 According to Ban-Nobutomo (p. 63), this means here the hinoki 
‘ cypress ’. The word is also occasionally used, however, to refer to the sugi 
‘ cryptomeria ’.
page 125 note 3 masage in ‘ masagedura ’ is an unusual form of masaki. ‘ tasuki ’ is translated by both Satow and Chamberlain as ‘ sash ’, but the best translation seems to be that of Aston —‘ shoulder-straps ’. Satow (‘ Ancient Japanese Rituals ’, pt. iii, TASJ., First Series, vol. 9, p. 210, n. 15Google Scholar) has the following note on the word: ‘ & the tasuki was a cord or sash passed over the shoulders, round the back of the neck, and attached to the wrists, to strengthen the hands for the support of weights, whence the name, which means “ hand-helper ”. It was thus different both in form and use from the modern tasuki, a cord with its two ends joined which is worn behind the neck, under the arms and round the back, to keep the modern loose sleeves out of the way when household duties are being performed.’ ‘ tasuki kakuru tomonowo ’ is commonly used in the Norito as a general expression for male attendants.
This present passage of the Takahasi Uzibumi should be compared with the descriptions in the Koziki, Nihongi, and Kogo Syuui of the way in which ‘ Ame-no-uzume-no-mikoto’ adorned herself before beginning her dance in front of the Heavenly Rock-dwelling. In those it is the shoulder-straps which are made from clubmoss, while the headdress is made from the spindle-tree. Aston comments (Chamberlain's, translation of Koziki, p. 69Google Scholar): ‘ The clubmoss seems a more likely material than the spindle-tree for a headdress—vide Motoori. Later writers mention a hikage no kazura but never (?) a masaki-kazura.’ Moto-ori, in Koziki-den 
(in Moto-ori-Norinaga Zensyuu 
, Tookyoo, 1926, vol. 1, pp. 409–10Google Scholar) quotes a suggestion of Mabuti that in the original text of the Koziki the headdress was described as being made of clubmoss and the shoulder-straps as made from the spindle-tree, but that the text has become corrupt and the two things have been reversed; the hikage, says Mabuti, is too weak to be suitable for making tasuki, unlike the masaki, which is tough. Moto-ori raises the objection to this suggestion that, while hikage no kazura is a common phrase, there is no instance in ancient works of a masaki no tasuki, but he has obviously overlooked this passage in the Takahasi Uzibumi. (With reference to the suitability of hikage for making tasuki, it should be noted that Ban- Nobutomo, pp. 64 and 68, denies that it is too weak for this purpose.)
page 125 note 4 A sort of garter, used presumably to keep the baggy legs of the hakama out of the way. The hakama was lifted up to the knee, where the end was secured with a cord.
page 126 note 1 In the Engisiki description of the takasuki and the hirasuki (see n. 1, p. 125), it is laid down that they should be decorated with paper-mulberry fibre (
— ‘ yuhu wo mote musubi-tarete kazare ’). Presumably the ornaments in this case were of a similar kind.
page 126 note 2 Having eaten the meal which Mutukari had had prepared.
page 126 note 3 It is possible to read 
as ‘ na ni ohu ’, in which case this sentence might be interpreted as meaning ‘ The country of Yamato is famous for its deeds’. However, Ban-Nobutomo's interpretation, taking ‘ okonahu waza ’ as ‘ the office or work which one performs’ and reading 
as ‘ na wo ohosu ’, has here been adopted as more appropriate to this context, for there is no doubt that the general implication of this whole passage is that Mutukari, on being appointed as Imperial steward, received the title of‘ kasihade-no-omi ’. The granting of this title, though it is not explicitly mentioned here, is recorded in the Syooziroku (cf. n. 5, p. 115).
page 126 note 4 The conjunctive form of an old verb aru (═ umaru 
). The combination ‘ are miko ’ is grammatically unusual. In similar contexts elsewhere one commonly finds aremasamu (masu being honorific), and it is therefore thought that the text here is incomplete and should read 
Alternatively, it is possible that ‘ are ’ is to be treated here as a noun, and that the postposition no should be understood after it. This seems unlikely, however, since this passage is clearly written as Japanese, with the postpositions shown in man-yoogana.
page 126 note 5 cf. the phrase ‘ naga mi-ke no toho mi-ke ’ in the Norito. Satow translates this as ‘ long food and distant food ’, but says in a note (TASJ., First Series, vol. 7, p. 125, n. 40Google Scholar): ‘ Both words, toho and naga, have reference here to time. In the Manyefu they are thus employed over and over again; … The idea is that the Mikado is to partake of this food during a long life, and the whole phrase might more freely be rendered “ perpetual food ”, without its meaning being at all sacrificed.’
page 126 note 6 Both verbs mean ‘ to avoid defilement’. ‘ yumaharu ’ is derived from imu.
page 126 note 7 In view of the general tone of this whole passage, ‘ torimotite’ may well be as Ban-Nobutomo (p. 73) says, an echo of the phrase used in the Nakatomi no Togoto and elsewhere in the Norito— ‘ ikasi-hoko no naka torimotite ’—which is normally taken to mean ‘ acting as intermediary between the Gods and the Sovereign, as if grasping the middle of a wondrous spear ’. Nevertheless, it can equally well be interpreted more simply, as ‘ undertaking ’, ‘ taking charge of’.
page 126 note 8 Ban-Nobutomo (p. 73) regards 
here as meaning the same as 
above, but I would suggest, since there is no 
in our text, that 
be interpreted as meaning ‘ commanded ’. (‘ ohosu’ ═ ‘ to command’ is normally written 
but 
indicates the original meaning of the word.)
page 126 note 9 According to the Koziki, this clan was established in the reign of the Emperor Suinin 
page 126 note 10 Mentioned in the 
section of the Kuziki. The Mononobe clan was, according to the Koziki, descended from ‘ Umasi-ma-zi-no-mikoto’, son of ‘ Nigi-hayabi-no-mikoto’.
page 126 note 11 To his commands, the Emperor ‘ added ’ the gift of a sword.
page 127 note 1 Ban-Nobutomo's reading ‘ hi no tatusi ’, though he adduces examples to support it, is very unusual. More common is hi no tatasi, but the most common reading is hi no tate.
These four phrases together mean ‘ in all directions ’, i.e. to north, south, east, and west. ‘ kagetomo ’, derived from kage-tu-omo, means ‘ south ’, the light side, or the direction facing the sunlight (kage ═ hikage). Given this, and the fact that all important buildings, such as Imperial palaces, were built facing south, it will readily be understood that ‘ solomo ’, derived from so(═ se)-tu-omo (i.e. the rear side), means ‘ north ’. ‘ Hi no tatusi ’ and ‘ hi no yokosi ’ signify properly the line of direction E–W and the line N–S respectively, but according to at least one dictionary, they can also mean respectively ‘ east’ and ‘ south’ alone. In this context, it seems better to take them in a narrow sense, but if‘ hi no yokosi ’ is taken as meaning ‘ south ’, we have the difficulty that there are in this passage two words of that meaning (while there is no word for ‘ west’). Now in a poem in the Man-yoosyuu (vol. 1, no. 51Google Scholar) describing the views from the gates on all four sides of the Imperial palace of the Empress Zitoo 
there occur all four terms in question here, and we find, in addition to ‘ hi no tate’ used for ‘ east’, ‘ hi no yoko’ used quite clearly for ‘ west’; on this evidence I think we are amply justified in assigning the latter sense to ‘ hi no yokosi ’ in the present case.
page 127 note 2 See n. 9, p. 117 above. ‘ ohotomo ’ I take to mean something like ‘ assistants ’; it has, of course, no connexion here with the clan of that name.
page 127 note 3 Ban-Nobutomo (p. 78) supposes that this refers to the leading men of the various clans.
page 127 note 4 cf. the Koziki under the Emperor Suuzin (Chamberlain's translation, p. 216), where it is stated that‘ His Augustness Take-nuna-kaha-wake was sent to the twelve circuits to the eastward to quiet the unsubmissive people ’. ‘ Circuits ’ is a translation of 
thought here to have the sense of ‘ province ’. Moto-ori suggests that the twelve places referred to are Ise, Owari, Mikawa, Tootoomi, Suruga, Kai, Izu, Sagami, Musasi, Husa, Hitati, and Mitinoku. This would include the whole east and north-east of the country.
page 127 note 5 ‘ makurago ’ means new-born or very young babies.
page 127 note 6 Grammatically, this sentence is by no means clear. Ban-Nobutomo (p. 79) interprets ‘ moromoro no udibito ’ as co-ordinate with ‘ higasi … makurago ’. Further, he takes ‘ onomo-onomo hitori zutu ’ as applying only to ‘ makurago ’ and not, as is possible, to ‘ udibito ’ as well. I have interpreted ‘ udibito ’ as co-ordinate with ‘ higasi no kuni no miyatuko towo-amari-hula-udi’, both phrases being linked by ‘ no ’ to, and qualifying, ‘ makurago ’. My reason for interpreting thus is that since the previous sentence described how men were taken from the various provinces to form an ‘ ohotomo-be ’, the present sentence contains unnecessary repetition unless the whole of it is taken to refer to children.
page 127 note 7 Ban-Nobutomo (p. 79) says that these were the hirasuki from which the Emperor had just eaten, and adds, rather speculatively, that the reason for the choice of them as gifts was probably that the Emperor had particularly enjoyed the namasu of clam which would have been served on them. This explanation is extremely unsatisfactory, and I suggest that the text here is corrupt and should read, not 
but 
{tasuki). It is easy to see how confusion may have arisen between cursive forms of 
and 
; and though elsewhere in this text we find tasuki written 
occurs, e.g. in the Koziki. Furthermore, tasuki and hire (a cloth worn on the head, hanging down over the neck and shoulders, by the uneme 
) are regularly associated in the Norito, the phrase ‘ tasuki kakuru tomonowo hire kakuru tomonowo ’, which Satow translates ‘ sash-wearing attendants and scarf-wearing attendants ’, being a general expression for male and female attendants. In view of the nature of the appointment which Mutukari had just received, and which meant that he would be in charge of these ‘ sash-wearing attendants and scarf-wearing attendants’, tasuki and hire, for use by his subordinates, would seem to be an appropriate gift.
page 128 note 1 The same phrase is found in the Norito. It is not known what species is meant by ‘ taniguku ’, but Satow says in a note on it (TASJ., First Series, vol. 7, p. 124, n. 34Google Scholar) that ‘ it is certainly a large type of frog which, as its name “ valley-creeper ” indicates, is found in damp shady places.’ The meaning of ‘ sawataru ’ appears to be little different from that of wataru alone.
page 128 note 2 This phrase does not so far as I know occur elsewhere. In a similar context in the Norito we find ‘ … the blue sea-plain as far as the limit whither come the prows of the ships without letting their poles or paddles be dry ’. ‘ kahera ’ is a compound of kai (oar) and hera (blade).
page 128 note 3 The two phrases with ‘ hata ’ refer of course to fish, those with ‘ ke ’ to beasts and birds respectively. This phraseology is common in the Norito, and also occurs elsewhere, e.g. in the Koziki.
page 128 note 4 There seems to be little evidence to support Ban-Nobutomo's reading ‘ husane ’ for 
page 128 note 5 Mutukari was of Imperial descent, being the great-grandson of the Emperor Koogen.
page 128 note 6 ‘ The great god of Aha ’ is ‘ Huto-tama-no-mikoto’. See also n. 10 below.
page 128 note 7 ‘ yumamahu ’ evidently has the same meaning as ‘ yumaharu ’ (see n. 6, p. 126), but this is the only known instance of the word.
page 128 note 8 Ban-Nobutomo (p. 89) quotes passages from the Engisiki 
and the Zyoogan Gisiki 
whic n show that among the participants at festivals were eight boys and eight girls. The Gisiki calls them 
and 
page 128 note 9 The ‘ kamunihe ’ is the kanname-maturi, a festival in which messengers (
) were sent to make offerings of new rice to the great god at Ise. By the old calendar, it was performed on the seventeenth day of the ninth month, but since the introduction of the solar calendar, it has been performed on the seventeenth day of the tenth month. The ‘ ohonihe’ is of course the daizyoosai.
page 128 note 10 According to the Engisiki there were eight gods celebrated in the daizensiki. Since the number of boys and girls said to have been selected by Mutukari is also eight, Ban-Nobutomo (p. 89) supposes that Mutukari actually enshrined eight gods, of whom that of Awa was the main one, and that to the service of each of them, one boy and one girl were assigned.
page 128 note 11 The fifty-third year of Keikoo. See n. 4, p. 117.
page 128 note 12 The time of the niiname-maturi.
page 128 note 13 i.e. the part of the ‘ kasihade-no-ohotomo-be ’ drawn from Titibu.
page 129 note 1 In the context this sentence might be taken to refer only to the same thing as the previous sentence, i.e. the binding of the hair. According to Ban-Nobutomo (p. 91), however, its implication is that from this occasion onward, not only was the binding of the hair done exclusively with ‘ yuhu ’ (paper-mulberry fibre), but this also became the main material used for making a he address or shoulder-straps, the materials used for making these things up till that time, viz. vines (‘ kadura ’ 
) of hikage and masaki respectively, being thenceforward used only secondarily.
page 129 note 2 A.D. 782, the first year of the reign of Kanmu, ‘ the present sovereign ’.
page 129 note 3 In the case of the ‘ five reigns ’ above (see n. 2, p. 118), the system of reckoning was inclusive. Here, however, it is not clear whether ‘ thirty-nine reigns ’ includes that of Kanmu or not. If it does, then one must omit one other, possibly that of Koobun 
who was not officially recognized as an Emperor until Meizi times.
page 129 note 3 In the Hontyoo Geturyoo text this date is given as the nineteenth year of Enryaku (i.e. A.D. 800). But the 669th year after A.D. 123 was A.D. 792 (the eleventh year of Enryaku), and Ban-Nobutomo's emendation to the latter date is undoubtedly correct.
page 129 note 4 The number must refer to Mutukari's age, since the reign of Keikoo is supposed to have lasted only sixty years.
page 129 note 5 
coming as it does before, and not after, 
is here not an honorific auxiliary but an independent verb meaning ‘ to give’ (of a superior). ‘ hahuri’ must therefore be a noun. Ban- Nobutomo (p. 94) suggests that its sense should be taken as that of ‘ hahuri-tu-mono ’ 
(‘ articles used at, and necessary for, a funeral’), and that the text may have become corrupt, the character 
having been omitted after 
. Whether we agree with this suggestion or not, however, we may translate ‘ hahuri’ as ‘ burial’.
page 129 note 6 This name is not found elsewhere. Ending as it does in ‘ … wake-no-mikoto ’, it shows clearly that its bearer was a person of high rank. Ban-Nobutomo (p. 95) thinks that he may even have been one of Keikoo's sons.
page 129 note 7 Mentioned in the Nihongi (third year of Keikoo), the Syooziroku et. al. The name may be written with 
instead of 
, and in addition there is an alternative form in which this syllable ‘ wo’ is replaced by ‘ wi ’ 
He appears to have been a relative, possibly a brother or halfbrother, of Mutukari.
page 129 note 8 The edict is addressed to Mutukari's spirit.
page 129 note 9 Ban-Nobutomo appears seriously to believe that we have here an ancient edict preserved more or less in its original form. Even assuming that the tradition is correct and that such an edict actually was pronounced in the reign of Keikoo, this must have taken place about 100 years (for Ban-Nobutomo, using the old chronology, about 300 years) before the Japanese had any A method of making written records of such edicts.
page 129 note 10 It is interesting to note that the negative is expressed twice here, both by the character 
and by the verb-ending written in man-yoogana.
page 130 note 1 ‘ tahiraka ’ here means ‘ in good health ’.
page 130 note 2 ‘ sonahasu ’ is an honorific suffix.
page 130 note 3 The niiname-maturi. Section I makes no direct mention of the ‘ nihinahe ’, referring to Mutukari's performance only of the ‘ kamunihe ’ and the ‘ ohonihe’. According to Ban-Nobutomo, however (p .88), the terms ‘ ohonihe ’ and ‘ nihinahe ’ were in ancient times used interchangeably, and only later did ‘ ohonihe ’ become used exclusively of the first such ceremony of a new reign.
page 130 note 4 This would suggest that the descendants of Mutukari were appointed kuni-no-miyatuko of Kazusa and Awa. There is no other record that this was so, and the evidence of the Kuni-nomiyatulco Hongi, though hardly to be regarded as unimpeachable, is in direct contradiction. We may therefore perhaps agree with Ban-Nobutomo (p. 104) that the meaning of this passage is that the descendants of Mutukari were to have charge of the supplying of food to the Imperial kitchens from Kazusa and Awa. For the meaning of kuni here, see Section E of the Introduction (pp. 121–122 above).
page 130 note 5 ‘ maku ’ means ‘ to appoint’. Ideographically it is written 
page 130 note 6 According to one theory, the name Wakasa is derived from Wakasakura, and in connexion with this there is a tradition of interest to us in this present study, since it concerns the ancestors of the Takahasi family, the ‘ kasihade-no-omi’. In the Nihongi (third year of Rityuu 
) we find the following passage: ‘ The Emperor launched the two-forked boat on the pond of Ichishi at Ihare, and went on board with the Imperial concubine, each separately, and feasted. The Lord Steward (i.e. “ kasihade-no-omi ”) Areshi set sake before the Emperor. At this time a cherry flower fell into the Emperor's cup. The Emperor wondered at this, and sending for Mononobe no Nagamake no Muraji, commanded him, saying: “ This flower has come out of season. Whence does it come ? Do thou thyself seek ! ” Hereupon Nagamake no Muraji went himself and sought for the flowers. He found them on Mount Wakikamunomuro and presented them to the Emperor. The Emperor was delighted to get such a rare thing and so made them the name of the Palace. Therefore it was called the Palace of Ihare no wakazakura. This was the origin of the name. In this month the original title of “ Nagamake no Muraji ” was altered to “ Wakazakura Be no Miyakko ” and the Lord Steward, Areshi, was styled “ Wakazakura Be no Omi ”.' (Aston's translation.) Further, in the Kuni-no-miyatuko-hongi it is stated that the first kuni-no-miyatuko of Wakasa, appointed in the reign of Ingyoo 
was one 
(Sasirome) 
This latter figure is considered by Ban-Nobutomo (p. 106) to be the same person as the ‘ kasihade-no-omi’ Aresi 
of the Nihongi, and he assumes that 
and 
are but alternative ways of writing the same name, Aresi. The theory is, then, that the first kuni-no-miyatuko of Wakasa bore the title Waka-sakura-be-no-omi, and that from this the province took its name. (It should be pointed out that Ban-Nobutomo's identification of 
with 
cannot be accepted without hesitation, for the reading of the latter is given in the Kokusi Taikei edition, as also, e.g. in the Kan-ei printed edition, 1644, of the Kuziki as ‘ Arato ’.)
page 130 note 7 I have not been able to trace any other examples of this expression, but it clearly means that Mutukari's spirit is to guard the ‘ kasihade no tukasa ’ ‘ thoroughly ’, or ‘ perfectly ’.
page 131 note 1 ‘miya ’ is Ban-Nobutomo's plausible conjecture for 
; the text at this point would seem to be either corrupt or incomplete.
page 131 note 2 The subject of‘ siritabite ’, ‘ mamoritabite ’, ‘ arasimetamahitabe ’, and ‘ kikitabe ’ is the spirit of Mutukari; that of all the other verbs, including ‘ mawosu ’, is the Emperor. The humble word ‘ mawosu ’ is used because the Emperor is addressing a spirit, even though that of a subordinate.
page 131 note 3 See n. 2, p. 117.
page 131 note 4 See n. 4, p. 117.
page 131 note 5 See n. 1, p. 123.
page 131 note 6 See n. 8, p. 117.
page 131 note 7 See n. 7, p. 123.
page 132 note 1 See n. 6, p. 124.
page 132 note 2 See n. 1, p. 125.
page 132 note 3 See n. 9, p. 117, and n. 2, p. 127.
page 132 note 4 See n. 7, p. 127.
page 132 note 5 See n. 9, p. 128.
page 133 note 1 See n. 1, p. 114.
page 133 note 2 See n. 5, p. 115.
page 133 note 3 See n. 2, p. 129.
page 133 note 4 See n. 4, p. 129.
page 133 note 5 See n. 3, p. 130.
page 133 note 6 See n. 4, p. 130.
page 133 note 7 See n. 6, p. 130.