No CrossRef data available.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 17 March 2015
Digitized text repositories (such as al-Jāmiʿ al-Kabīr, al-Maktaba al-Shāmila and Maktabat Ahl al-Bayt) open new horizons in the study of early Islamic history. By employing them it was found that ʿAbdallāh ibn Masʿūd had at least four courts, two in Kūfa and two in Medina, and at least two estates cultivated by sharecroppers, one in Rādhān near Kūfa and another in Saylaḥīn near Qādisiyya. His situation is comparable to that of a member of the pre-Islamic Sassanian landed aristocracy of absentee landlords. He also had three households in three different places. The desire for control and worldly assets is human, and those who lack it never make it to the highest echelons of power. Put differently, hagiography should not be mistaken for historiography. Whether or not Ibn Masʿūd's Rādhān should be linked with the Rādhānite Jewish merchants remains an open question.
A draft of this study was presented at the “From Jāhiliyya to Islam” colloquium in Jerusalem, June 2012.
2 Ibn Saʿd, al-Ṭabaqāt al-kubrā (Beirut, 1380/1960–1388/1968), III, 160Google Scholar.
3 ʿAsākir, Ibn, Taʾrīkh madīnat Dimashq, ed. ʿUmar b. Gharāma al-ʿAmrawī (Beirut, 1415/1995–1421/2000), XXXIII, 190Google Scholar.
4 Morony, M.G., “Landholding in seventh-century Iraq: late Sasanian and early Islamic patterns”, in Udovitch, A.L. (ed.), The Islamic Middle East 700–1900: Studies in Economic and Social History (Princeton, 1981), 158Google Scholar, says that Ibn Masʿūd and others who received grants of land from ʿUthmān (on which see below) were members of the Arab pre-Islamic tribal aristocracy. But this does not apply to Ibn Masʿūd, Khabbāb ibn al-Aratt and ʿAmmār ibn Yāsir who were among the beneficiaries.
5 Ibn Masʿūd's brothers ʿUtba and ʿUmays were also prominent. Half of the chapter on the Hudhayl tribe in Ḥazm, Ibn, Jamharat ansāb al-ʿarab, ed. Hārūn, ʿAbd al-Salām (Cairo, 1382/1962), 196–8Google Scholar is dedicated to the three brothers and their descendants.
6 Cf. Kister, M.J., “Land property and Jihād”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 34, 1991, 270–311Google Scholar; reprinted in Kister, Concepts and Ideas at the Dawn of Islam (Aldershot, 1997), n. IV; (Kister's articles are also available at www.kister.huji.ac.il); H. Munt, “Caliphal estates and properties around Medina in the Umayyad period” (forthcoming).
7 Borrowed from Sadeghi, B. and Bergmann, U., “The codex of a Companion of the Prophet and the Qurʾān of the Prophet”, Arabica 57, 2010, 416Google Scholar.
8 Gil, M., “The Rādhānite merchants and the land of Rādhān”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 17, 1974, 299–328Google Scholar.
9 Gil, M., Jews in Islamic Countries in the Middle Ages, trans. Strassler, David (Leiden, 2004), 631Google Scholar. Also Gil, “The Rādhānite merchants”, 316, n. 85.
10 Modern technology allows us to trace the versions of the tradition by searching for the Arabic word wa-bi-Rādhān’ in al-Jāmiʿ al-kabīr, fourth edition (19 results), or in al-Maktaba al-shāmila (29 results from primary sources), or in Maktabat ahl al-bayt, second edition (11 results). Naturally the results often overlap. Most of the evidence used in this article can be traced by using one or more of these programs, often with more parallel sources. In some cases the books were unavailable to me for inspection, and I had to rely on the electronic source.
11 Ḥamad al-Jāsir reached the same conclusion: with reference to the alleged Rādhān in Medina, al-Jāsir concludes that there was no explicit evidence for its existence. He argues convincingly that it goes back to the attribution of al-Walīd ibn Kathīr ibn Sinān al-Muzanī, who was originally a Medinan, to Rādhān in Iraq; al-Iskandarī, Naṣr, al-Amkina wa-l-miyāh wa-l-jibāl wa-l-āthār, ed. al-Jāsir, Ḥamad (Riyadh, 1425/2004), I, 538, n. 3Google Scholar. However, al-Jāsir had in mind the famous Rādhān east of Baghdad, while in fact another Rādhān is linked to al-Walīd (see below).
12 The existing edition in one volume includes the geographical part: Majd al-Dīn al-Fīrūzābādī, al-Maghānim al-muṭāba fī maʿālim Ṭāba, ed. al-Jāsir, Ḥamad (Riyadh, 1389/1969)Google Scholar. The complete unicum manuscript has recently been published in Medina in four volumes but has been unavailable to me.
13 Samhūdī, Wafāʾ al-wafā, ed. al-Sāmarrāʾī, Qāsim (London and Jeddah, 1422/2001), IVGoogle Scholar, 284: Rādhān qarya bi-nawāḥī l-Madīna, qālahu l-Majd. It is also mentioned in the abridged version of this book by Samhūdī entitled Khulāṣat al-wafāʾ: Rādhān: qāla Yāqūt min nawāḥī l-Madīna lahā dhikr fī ḥadīth ibn Masʿūd.
14 Nawawī, Tahdhīb al-asmāʾ (Beirut, 1416/1996), IIIGoogle Scholar, 124 has a garbled text for an obvious reason: bi-Rādhān bi-l-Madīna mā bi-l-Madīna.
15 Shashī, Musnad, ed. al-Maḥallāwī (Beirut, 1433/2012), 278Google Scholar; Shashī, Musnad, ed. al-Maḥfūẓ al-Raḥmān Zayn Allāh (Medina, 1410/1989–1414/1993), II, 244Google Scholar.
16 Ibn ʿAsākir, Dimashq, XXXIII, 61.
17 This is stated in Mizzī, Tahdhīb al-kamāl, ed. Bashshār ʿAwwād Maʿrūf (Beirut, 1405/1985–1413/1992), XXXIGoogle Scholar, 71 (sakana l-Kūfa). Samʿānī, al-Ansāb, ed. Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Qādir ʿAṭā (Beirut, 1419/1998), IIIGoogle Scholar, 22, s.v. al-Rādhānī, indicates that he was from (the alleged) Rādhān al-Madīna. He was followed by Yāqūt, s.v. Rādhān – an entry which mainly deals with the better-known Rādhān, more precisely the Rādhān al-Aʿlā and Rādhān al-Asfal districts near Baghdad.
18 al-Dīn, Ibn Nāṣir, Tawḍīḥ al-mushtabih, ed. al-ʿAraqsūsī, Muḥammad Naʿīm (Beirut, 1407/1986–1414/1993), IVGoogle Scholar, 88 (al-Muzanī al-Madanī thumma l-Kūfī).
19 Samʿānī, Ansāb, III, 22.
20 Maʿnā l-ḥadīth anna Ibn Masʿūd ḥaddatha ʿani l-nabī bi-l-nahy ʿani l-tawassuʿ wa-ʿani ttikhādhi l-ḍiyaʿ thumma lammā faragha l-ḥadītha stadraka ʿalā nafsihi wa-ashāra ilā annahu ttakhadha ḍayʿatayni iḥdāhumā bi-l-Madīna wa-l-ukhrā bi-Rādhān wa-ʾttakhadha ahlayni ahl bi-l-Kūfa wa-ahl bi-Rādhān wa-Rādhān ... makān khārija l-Kūfa; Ḥajar, Ibn, Taʿjīl al-manfaʿa bi-zawāʾid rijāl al-aʾimma al-arbaʿa, ed. Ikrām Allāh Imdād al-Ḥaqq (Beirut, 1416/1996), II, 443–4Google Scholar.
21 l-Ḥadīd, Ibn Abī, Sharḥ nahj al-balāgha, ed. Muḥammad Abū l-Faḍl Ibrāhīm (Cairo, 1378/1959), III, 201Google Scholar.
22 Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh al-rusul wa-l-mulūk, ed. de Goeje et al. (Leiden, 1879–1901), I, 3345Google Scholar.
23 Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ed. Muḥammad Bāqir al-Maḥmūdī (Beirut, 1397/1977), III, 42Google Scholar.
24 Fa-mā bāl nakhl Yathrib [one expects here: bi-Yathrib] wa-nakhl bi-Rādhān; Būṣīrī, Itḥāf al-khiyara al-mahara bi-zawāʾid al-masānīd al-ʿashara (Riyadh, 1420/1999), VII, 438Google Scholar. Quoted from an electronic source.
25 Theoretically one of these courts could be identical with his estate in Rādhān. But this assumption is probably farfetched because he had sharecroppers in Rādhān.
26 Fa-qadima l-Kūfa wa-nazalahā wa-ʾbtanā bihā dāran ilā jānibi l-masjid; Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaqāt, VI, 93. His famous court in Kūfa (fa-dāruhu bi-l-Kūfa dār mashhūra; Ibn ʿAsākir, Dimashq, XXXIII, 61) must have been this one. The other owners of courts near the mosque were Ṭalḥa ibn ʿUbaydallāh and ʿAmr ibn Ḥurayth; Yaʿqūbī, Buldān, ed. de Goeje, M.J. (Leiden, 1892)Google Scholar (bound with Ibn Rusta, al-Aʿlāq al-nafīsa), 310 (wa-ʾkhtaṭṭa … l-dūr ḥawla l-masjid).
27 Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ed. Ḥamīdullāh, Muḥammad (Cairo, 1959), I, 165Google Scholar. The rare variant muʾadhdhinan wa-wazīran in al-Faqīh, Ibn, Kitāb al-buldān, ed. al-Hādī, Yūsuf (Beirut, 1416/1996), 202Google Scholar, is supported by the alleged dispute over prestige between Kūfa and Baṣra, where the former mentioned that its muʾadhdhin was Ibn Masʿūd. Still muʿallim is probably the correct reading; cf. Masʿūdī, Murūj al-dhahab, ed. Ch. Pellat (Beirut, 1966–79), III, 77Google ScholarPubMed, n. 1583: ʿUmar appointed Ibn Masʿūd on bayt al-māl in addition to another task: wa-amarahu an yuʿallima l-nāsa l-qurʾān wa-yufaqqihahum fī l-dīn.
28 His offices did not interfere with his tribal solidarity: the alienation between him and ʿUthmān led to a similar alienation with the Hudhayl; Masʿūdī, Murūj, III, 82, n. 1591 (… wa-ʾnḥirāf Hudhayl ʿan ʿUthmān min ajlihi). He also had the backing of the Zuhra clan from Quraysh because he was one of their clients (aḥlāf); Masʿūdī, Murūj, III, 88, n. 1602.
29 Wa-kāna manzil ʿAbdillāh ibn Masʿūd fī Hudhayl fī mawḍiʿi l-Ramāda fa-nazala mawḍiʿ dārihi wa-taraka dārahu dāra l-ḍiyāfa wa-kāna l-aḍyāf yanzilūna dārahu fī Hudhayl idhā ḍāqa ʿalayhim mā ḥawla l-masjid; Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, IV, 273.
30 Māliqī, al-Tamhīd wa-l-bayān fī maqtal al-shahīd ʿUthmān, ed. Zāyid, Maḥmūd Yūsuf(al-Dawḥa, 1985/1405), 46Google Scholar.
31 Ibn ʿAsākir, Dimashq, XXXIII, 150.
32 One of these courts belonged to ʿAmmār ibn Yāsir; Samhūdī, Wafāʾ, II, 267, 295.
33 Samhūdī, Wafāʾ, III, 85.
34 Iṣṭakhrī, Masālik al-mamālik 2, ed. de Goeje, M.J. (Leiden, 1927), 39Google Scholar.
35 Yāqūt, Muʿjam al-buldān (Beirut, 1957)Google Scholar, s.v. al-ʿUdhayb; Forand, P.G., “The status of the land and inhabitants in the Sawād during the first two centuries of Islām”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 14, 1971, 26Google Scholar. It was the actual entrance point into the sown; Masʿūdī, Murūj, III, 55, n.1538 (ʿalā fami l-barr wa-ṭarafi l-Sawād mimmā yalī l-Qādisiyya).
36 Qutayba, Ibn, al-Maʿārif, ed. ʿUkāsha, Tharwat (Cairo, 1969), 566Google Scholar.
37 Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaqāt, VI, 209 (mawlā ... ʿatāqa).
38 Ibn Taymiyya, Sharḥ al-ʿumda fī l-fiqh, ed. al-ʿUṭayshān (Riyadh, 1413 ah) II, 616. Quoted from an electronic text.
39 Bayhaqī, al-Sunan al-Kubrā, ed. Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Qādir ʿAṭā (Beirut, 1414/1994), VGoogle ScholarPubMed, 63 (ruwiya anna Ibn Masʿūd laqiya rukbānan bi-l-sāḥil [!] muḥrimīna fa-labbaw wa-labbā Ibn Masʿūd wa-huwa dākhila l-Kūfa).
40 Ibn ʿAsākir, Dimashq, XXXIII, 185. Reportedly the young Ibn Masʿūd used to be a shepherd in the service of ʿUqba ibn Abī Muʿayṭ; Fasawī, Kitāb al-maʿrifa wa-l-taʾrīkh, ed. Akram Ḍiyāʾ al-ʿUmarī (Beirut, 1401/1981), IGoogle Scholar, 245. Cf. Ibn Saʿd, Ṭabaqāt, III, 160 (he left 90,000 dirham).
41 See e.g. Mizzī, Tahdhīb al-kamāl, XX, 300–08.
42 Shayba, Ibn Abi, Muṣannaf, ed. al-Jumʿa and al-Luḥaydān (Riyadh, 1425/2004), VIII, 470–1Google Scholar (Kitāb al-adab: fī l-salām ʿalā ahli l-dhimma wa-man qāla li-l-ṣuḥba ḥaqq).
43 Cf. Yāqūt, al-Mushtarik waḍʿan wa-l-muftariq ṣuqʿan, ed. Wüstenfeld, F. (Göttingen, 1846)Google Scholar.
44 Jaʿfar, Qudāma ibn, al-Kharāj wa-ṣināʿat al-kitāba, ed. al-Zubaydī, Muḥammad Ḥusayn (Baghdad, 1981), 115Google Scholar. Or perhaps Saylaḥīn was three farsakhs from Baghdad; Dīnawarī, al-Akhbār al-ṭiwāl, ed. ʿIṣām Muḥammad al-Ḥājj ʿAlī (Beirut, 1421/2001), 570Google Scholar. Al-Saylaḥīn near Baghdad was the hometown of the ḥadīth transmitter Abū Zakariyyā Yaḥyā ibn Isḥāq al-Bajalī al-Saylaḥīnī or al-Saylaḥūnī or al-Sālaḥīnī (d. in Baghdad 210/825); Mizzī, Tahdhīb al-kamāl, XXXI, 195–8. According to Yāqūt, Muʿjam al-buldān, s.v. Sāliḥīn, the common people (al-ʿāmma) called the place Ṣāliḥīn. Both forms, he says, are wrong, the correct name being al-Saylaḥīn. Yāqūt, who defines Abū Zakariyyā al-Bajalī’s hometown as a qarya bi-Baghdād, refers here to s.v. Saylaḥūn, which includes rich evidence pointing to the Saylaḥīn near Qādisiyya. Yāqūt concludes by stating that between this area and Baghdad there were three farsakhs (!).
45 Abū l-Baqāʾ Hibat Allāh, al-Manāqib al-mazyadiyya, ed. Darādika, Ṣāliḥ Mūsā and Khrīsāt, Muḥammad ʿAbd al-Qādir (Amman, 1404/1984), I, 500–01Google Scholar; Kister, M.J., “Al-Ḥīra: some notes on its relations with Arabia”, Arabica 15, 1968, 152Google Scholar; reprinted in Kister, Studies in Jāhiliyya and Early Islam (London, 1980), n. III.
46 Yāqūt, Muʿjam al-buldān, s.v. al-Ṣinnayn. Yāqūt does not adduce the famous sale document, although it was mentioned by the muḥaddithūn, because the text is unsound (wajadtu nuskhatahu saqīma fa-lam anqulhu). Morony, M.G., “Continuity and change in the administrative geography of late Sasanian and early Islamic al-Iraq”, Iran 20, 1982CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 28 has it that ʿUthmān purchased a farm in al-Ṣinnayn from Ṭalḥa. But Yāqūt (s.v.) says that ʿUthmān sold it to Ṭalḥa, not the other way round (balad ... bāʿahu ʿUthmān ... min Ṭalḥa). Al-Mundhir's son, the king of Ḥīra al-Nuʿmān ibn al-Mundhir, jailed ʿAdī ibn Zayd in al-Ṣinnayn; Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, I, 1023; Lecker, M., “Tribes in pre- and early Islamic Arabia”, in Lecker, , People, Tribes and Society in Arabia Around the Time of Muḥammad (Variorum Collected Studies Series), no. XI (Aldershot, 2005), 72Google Scholar. At an early stage of the Conquests, Muslim raiders on their way to attack Ḥīra crossed the bridge over the Saylaḥīn canal and attacked a marriage procession heading to al-Ṣinnayn. The lord of al-Ṣinnayn (ṣāḥib al-Ṣinnayn), who was a Persian nobleman, was expecting his bride, who was the daughter of Marzbān al-Ḥīra Azādhbih; Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, I, 2232–3; Morony,”Continuity and change”, 28.
47 He said: anā akfīka iʿṭāʾ kharājihā wa-l-qiyām ʿalayhā; al-Khaṭīb al-Baghdādī, Taʾrīkh Baghdād, ed. Maʿrūf, Bashshār ʿAwwād (Beirut, 1422/2001), I, 313Google Scholar; Morony, “Landholding”, 139–40, 153 (Ibn Masʿūd bought the land offered to him by the dihqān provided that the latter would continue paying the kharāj); Morony, M.G., “The effects of the Muslim conquest on the Persian population of Iraq”, Iran 14, 1976, 56CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Ibn Masʿūd, al-Ḥasan ibn ʿAlī and Abū Hurayra had fields (mazāriʿ) in the Sawād for which they paid the kharāj; Ibn ʿAbbās had fields in the Sawād and in other places; al-Shaybānī, al-Kasb, ed. Zakkār, Suhayl (Damascus, 1400/1980), 64Google Scholar.
48 l-Dunyā, Ibn Abī, Kitāb al-hawātif, ed. Muṣṭafā ʿAbd al-Qādir ʿAṭā (Beirut, 1413/1993), 25Google Scholar.
49 Yaḥyā ibn Ādam, Kitāb al-kharāj, ed. Aḥmad Muḥammad Shākir (Cairo, 1384 ah), 75–6. Rather surprisingly, exactly as there was another Saylaḥīn between Baghdad and Anbār, there was also another Zabārā between Baghdad and Anbār. Moreover, both places are linked to ʿAqr Qūf and were at a distance of several kilometres from each other: Saylaḥīn was close to it (qarība min tall ʿAqr Qūf); Samʿānī, Ansāb, III, 223, s.v. al-Sālaḥīnī. The small irrigation canal (nuhayr) called Zabārā was one farsakh “above”ʿAqr Qūf (fawqa l-talli l-maʿrūf bi-ʿAqr Qūf bi-farsakh); Masʿūdī, al-Tanbīh wa-l-ishrāf, ed. de Goeje, M. (Leiden, 1894), 382Google Scholar. Muḥammad ibn ʿAbd al-Malik al-Hamdānī, Takmilat taʾrīkh al-Ṭabarī, ed. Kanʿān (Beirut, 1958), 53–4Google ScholarPubMed has a distance of two farsakhs (fa-nazala ʿalā qanṭarati l-nahri l-maʿrūf bi-Zabārā bi-nāḥiyat ʿAqr Qūf ʿalā farsakhayni). But in fact the distance of two farsakhs is between Zabārā and Baghdad (nahr Zabārā ʿalā farsakhayni min Baghdād ʿinda ʿAqr Qūf); al-Athīr, Ibn, Kāmil (Beirut, 1385/1965–1386/1966), VIII, 172Google Scholar.
50 Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, II, 1071. See also Abū l-Faraj al-Iṣfahānī, Kitāb al-aghānī (Cairo, 1345/1927–1394/1974), XIVGoogle Scholar, 248: qanṭarat al-Kūfa llatī bi-Zabāra (written with a tāʾ marbūṭa).
51 There was a water course (majrā nahr) between Zabāra (with tāʾ marbūṭa) and Kūfa; al-Qurṭubī, Tafsīr (al-Jāmiʿ li-aḥkām al-qurʾān), third edition (Cairo, 1387/1967, reprint)Google Scholar, XVIII, 104. Perhaps the water course in question was the western branch of the Euphrates.
52 Shaqīq: baʿathanī Ibn Masʿūd ilā qarya lahu; Ibn ʿAsākir, Dimashq, XXXIII, 167.
53 Balādhurī, Futūḥ al-buldān, ed. de Goeje (Leiden, 1863–66), 273–4Google Scholar.
54 Ibn ʿAsākir, Dimashq, II, 192.
55 Ibn ʿAsākir, Dimashq, II, 193.
56 Cf. Hinds, M., Studies in Early Islamic History (Princeton, 1996), 18–19Google Scholar, also published as “Kūfan political alignments and their background in the mid-seventh century a.d.”, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 2, 1971, 359–60Google Scholar; Noth, A., “Eine Standortbestimmung der Expansion (Futūḥ) unter den ersten Kalifen (Analyse von Ṭabarī I, 2854–2856)”, Asiatische Studien 43, 1989, 120–36Google Scholar; Madelung, W., The Succession to Muḥammad: A Study of the Early Caliphate (Cambridge, 1997), 83, n. 19, 84, n. 21Google Scholar.
57 Shabba, Ibn, Taʾrīkh al-Madīna, ed. Dandal, and Bayān, (Beirut, 1417/1996), II, 133.Google Scholar
58 Abū Yūsuf, Kitāb al-kharāj (Cairo, 1352 ah), 62. Instead of Ṣanʿā’ read: Ṣaʿnabā; instead of Qaryat Hurmuzān, read: Qaryat Hurmuz.
59 Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, I, 2259.
60 Yāqūt, Muʿjam al-buldān, s.v. Bānabūrā (nāḥiya bi-l-Ḥīra). See also Nuwayrī, Nihāyat al-arab fī funūn al-adab (Cairo, 1923–98), XXV, 189Google Scholar.
61 Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, I, 2051–2.
62 Morony, “Continuity and change”, 27.
63 Lisānu l-barri lladhī adlaʿahu fī l-rīf wa-ʿalayhi l-Kūfa l-yawm wa-l-Ḥīra qabla l-yawm; Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, I, 2419.
64 Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, I, 2485 (instead of al-ṭīn read probably: al-Ṭaff). For al-Ṭaff see Morony, “Continuity”, 28. Cf. The History of al-Ṭabarī, vol. 13, trans. Juynboll, G.H.A. (Albany, 1989), 65Google Scholar. The reading “al-Ḥadhdhā” may not be reliable.
65 Balādhurī, Futūḥ al-buldān, 277–8.
66 See, for example, Khurdādhbih, Ibn, al-Masālik wa-l-mamālik, ed. de Goeje, M.J. (Leiden, 1889), 8Google Scholar.
67 In Morony, M.G., Iraq after the Muslim Conquest (Princeton, 1984)Google Scholar, 149 and in Morony, “Continuity and change”, 26 the two places called al-Nahrayn are considered one and the same place.
68 Ibn Khurdādhbih, al-Masālik wa-l-mamālik, 8.
69 Yāqūt, Muʿjam al-buldān, s.v. al-Bihqubādh.
70 Ibn Khurdādhbih, al-Masālik wa-l-mamālik, 11.
71 This is confirmed by al-Aʿshā’s famous verses on al-Nuʿmān's death (wa-tujbā ilayhi l-Saylaḥūna wa-dūnahā.... Ṣarīfūna fī anhārihā wa-l-Khawarnaqu).
72 Yāqūt, Muʿjam al-buldan, s.v. Ṭīzanābādh.
73 Ṭabarī, Taʾrīkh, I, 2184.
74 Balādhurī, Jumal min ansāb al-ashrāf, ed. Zakkār, Suhayl and Ziriklī, Riyāḍ (Beirut, 1417/1996), IXGoogle Scholar, 160 (instead of S.wār read: Sūrā); al-Balādhurī, Ansāb al-ashrāf, ed. al-ʿAẓm (Damascus, 1997–2002), VIIGoogle Scholar, 509. For the fine wine of Ṭīzanābādh, see also Masʿūdī, Murūj, IV, 205, n. 2511.
75 Ṭaḥāwī, Sharḥ mushkil al-āthār, ed. al-Arnāʾūṭ, Shuʿayb (Beirut, 1415/1994), XI, 178Google Scholar. According to ʿAbd al-Razzāq, Muṣannaf, VII, 281–2, Sharāḥīl paid 1,500 dirham. In another ḥadīth (281), it was Shuraḥbīl ibn al-Simṭ (al-Kindī) who gave ʿAlī the married woman.
76 G. Lecomte, “al-Nakhaʿī, Ibrāhīm”, Encyclopaedia of Islam, second ed.
77 Ḥajar, Ibn, al-Iṣāba fi tamyīz al-ṣaḥāba, ed. al-Bijāwī (Cairo, 1392/1972), III, 325Google Scholar.