Zariadres And Zarer

Maey Boyce

doi:10.1017/S0041977X00112388

Zariadres And Zarer

Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 December 2009

Maey Boyce

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IT is now almost a century since Rapp cited, 1 among Greek texts relating to Persian customs and beliefs, the charming tale of Zariadres and Odatis, preserved for us by Athenaeus on the authority of Chares of Mytilene.2 The story is in brief as follows: Hystaspes and his younger brother Zariadres were said by the people of their land to be born of Aphrodite and Adonis. Hystaspes ruled Media and the lands below it, Zariadres the region above the Caspian Gates up to the Tanais. Beyond the Tanals lived the Marathi, ruled by Omartes, whose daughter Odatis was the most beautiful woman in Asia.3 Odatis dreamt of Zariadres, and loved him; and he too loved Odatis through dreams. He sought her vainly in marriage, for her father did not wish to give her to a stranger. Soon after, Omartes held a marriage-feast attended by his own kinsmen and nobles, and bade Odatis give a cup of wine to him whom she wished to marry. Zariadres, forewarned by Odatis, came in full haste across the Tanals, accompanied only by his charioteer, and entered the hall in Scythian dress as, weeping, Odatis slowly filled the cup. She recognized him with joy, and he carried her off. This tale, Chares states, was greatly esteemed by the barbarians of Asia, who painted scenes from it on the walls of temples, palaces, and even private houses, the nobles often giving the name of Odatis to their own daughters.

Type: Articles
Information: Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , Volume 17 , Issue 3 , October 1955 , pp. 463 - 477

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1017/S0041977X00112388 [Opens in a new window]
Copyright: Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies 1955

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References

^{page 463 note 1} See A.Rapp, ZDMG, xx, 1866, pp. 65–6.Google Scholar

^{page 463 note 2} Athenaeus xin, 35, p. 575; F.Jacoby, F. Gr. Hist., no. 125 fr. 5, vol. n B, pp. 660–1.

^{page 463 note 3} For a discussion of these three names see Andreas, apud Rohde, E., Der griechische Roman und seine Vorldufer, 3. Aufl., Leipzig, 1914, p. 48 n.Google Scholar

^{page 463 note 4} Spiegel, F., Eran. Alterthumskunde, I, 1871, p. 665n. Rohde (loc. cit., p. 49, and n. 2) attributes the notice of this similarity to Droysen, Gesch. Alexanders d. Gr.; but I have been unable to trace the reference given by him in any of the four editions of this book available to me.Google Scholar

^{page 463 note 5} Sahname14, 22–916

^{page 463 note 6} In a later verse (15, 30) Firdausi states that the princess's name was Nahid, but that Gustasp called her Katayun.

^{page 464 note 1} Zotenberg, pp. 245–55.

^{page 464 note 2} See Shea, D., History of the Early Kings of Persia translated from … Mirkhond, London, 1832, pp. 266–71.Google Scholar

^{page 464 note 3} In Thaalibis version the princess marks her choice with a garland, in Mirkhond's with an apple; for a discussion of the latter development see Rohde, loc. cit., p. 49, n. 3. Rohde further groups together a set of stories, preserved from widely differing epochs in lands neighbouring on Iran, which he regards as stemming from the same original as Chares' tale; namely, Aristotle's tale of the adventure of the Phocian Euxenus in Massilia (Politica, fr. 503, p. 499, Kose); Subhandu's story of Vasavadatta, together with the two later Indian romances, the Adventures of Kamrup and the Qissa-i Xawir Sah; and the Georgian tale, Miriani. —For a general survey of the theme of love through dreams in literature see Geissler, F., Srautwerbung in der WelUiteratur, Halle, 1955, pp. 31–4.Google Scholar

^{page 464 note 4} loc. cit. For a discussion of the final vowel in Zarer's name, see Noldeke, Pers.St.n, p. 2, n. 1.

^{page 464 note 5} Spiegel, ZDMG, XLV, 1891, pp. 196–8; ib., LH, 1898, pp. 192–3.

^{page 465 note 1} ZDMG, LIT, p. 193

^{page 465 note 2} See his Zend-Avesta, in, 1893, pp. Ixxx–lxxxii

^{page 465 note 3} cf. ib., II, pp. 364–5. Darmesteter points out that ‘c’est une coincidence, au moins curieuse, que le nom d'anahita reparait dans Firdausi’ (n, p. lxxxii, n. 1); see above, p. 463, n. 6.

^{page 465 note 4} Arch. Mitt.I, 1929–30, pp. 170–80.

^{page 465 note 5} Herzfeld does not refer, however, to Spiegel's earlier interpretation, of which he seems unaware.

^{page 465 note 6} loc. cit., p. 180

^{page 466 note 1} A third passage, Yt. v, 1x17, is debated, Darmesteter (Et. Ir.n, p. 229) regarding the occurrence of the name there as original, Bartholomae (Air. Wb., 1682) considering it an insertion.

^{page 466 note 2} Strabo, xi, 14, 15, p. 531 f.

^{page 466 note 3} References with Justi, Namenbuch, p. 382 b; Lagarde, Arm. St.p. 53, no. 762; Marquart, Untersuchungen, pp. 37–9; Hubschmann, Pers. St.p. 69.

^{page 466 note 4} e.g. Gutechmid, Gesch. Irans., p. 40.

^{page 466 note 5} loc. cit.

^{page 466 note 6} In the phrase 'rtfrgsy br zy zrytr; see Borisov, A.Y.apud Minorsky, Boyal, J. Cent. Asian Society, xxx, 1943, pp. 82–3Google Scholar; Dupont-Sommer, Syria, xxv, 1946–8, pp. 53–66.Google Scholar

^{page 466 note 7} See Marquart, op. cit., p. 39; Hubschmann, Arm. Or., p. 40.

^{page 466 note 8} See Justi, Namenbuch, p. 381 b; Hubschmann, loc. cit

^{page 466 note 9} See Marquart, Rev. Ét. Arme'niennes, vm, 1, 1928, p. 218; Hubschmann, loc. citGoogle Scholar

^{page 466 note 10} See Pseudo-Agath., Langlois, Coll. des hist, de L'Arménie, I, p. 198 a; Mos. Xor. I, 31

^{page 466 note 11} See Marquart, Untersuchungen, pp. 39–40

^{page 466 note 12} Mos. Xor., n, 53, 55. Marquart(ZDMG, XLIX, 1895, pp. 654–5) regards this Artases of Moses’ Historyas a composite figure; and would identify his son Zareh with ‘Sariaster‘, son of Tigranes I (a corruption of Zariadris ?), in the king-list of Valerius Max. 9, 12, Ext. 3; see also his Untersuchungen, p. 42.Google Scholar

^{page 466 note 13} Faust. Byz., 3, 12.

^{page 466 note 14} Patmut'iwn Srboyn Nersisi Part'ewi(Sop'erk' Haykakank' No. 6), Venice, 1853, p. 25. (I owe this detailed reference to the kindness of my colleague Dr. Dowsett.)

^{page 466 note 15} See Henning, ZDMG, xc, p. 5; BSOAS, xi, p. 73, U 4.

^{page 466 note 16} cf. Bastavairi > Bastflr; see Nöldeke, Pers. St., n, p. 2, n. 1; Hübschmann, Pers. St., p. 170. Benveniste, however, (JA, 1932, I, p. 246, n. 1), compares dipiflara > diper

^{page 467 note 1} See Marquart, Untersuchungen, p. 39

^{page 467 note 2} Tehran ed., p. 91.

^{page 467 note 3} As such he might, conceivably, be a Zariadres rather than a Zairiwairi.

^{page 467 note 4} See his Tabari, p. 2, n. 3. The form zararappears elsewhere for zarer, | and both being used to represent Pers. e;see Noldeke, Pers. Stud., n, p. 2, n. 1

^{page 467 note 5} Gt. Bd., p. 232¹¹; Ind. Bd., Ch. xxxi, 30 (West, P.T.I, p. 138); in Tabari (see Nüldeke, p. 2, with n. 3) this name appears as zarar, zaran, zaren.

^{page 467 note 6} Gt. Bd., p. 237'; Ind. Bd., Ch. xxxin, 4 (West, P.T., i, p. 146

^{page 467 note 7} Laz. P'arp., Ch. 94 (Venice, 1933, pp. 555, 559); Langlois, CoU. des hist, de VArmenie, n, p. 360 b; see Nüldeke, Tabari, p. 133, n. 6; Justi, Namenbuch, p. 381 b; Patkanean, JA, 1866, I, p. 175, n. 2.

^{page 467 note 8} See Noldeke, Iran. Nat. Epos, p. 5.

^{page 467 note 9} Zend-Avesta, n, p. 393, n. 140; in, p. lxxxii.

^{page 467 note 10} Namenbuch, p. 382 b.

^{page 467 note 11} AG, p. 40.

^{page 467 note 12} Untersuchungen, p. 39.

^{page 467 note 13} Pers. St., n, p. 2, n. 1.

^{page 468 note 1} loc. cit.

^{page 468 note 2} Nat. Epos, p. 4; Noldeke adds ‘und der Name Hystaspes kommt dfter vor’; but since the relatively frequent occurrences of the name (see Justi, Namenbuchpp. 372a–373a) can otherwise all be ascribed to the influence either of the Achsemenian royal family or of the Kayanian tradition, this particular argument is perhaps hardly justifiable.

^{page 468 note 3} ib., p. 4, n. 3.

^{page 468 note 4} Untersuchungen, p. 21, n. 91; see also Grousset, Histoire de l'Arméniep. 83, n. 6.

^{page 468 note 5} Gestes des rois, pp. 136, 137

^{page 468 note 6} Zoroaster, p. 73.

^{page 468 note 7} Les mages heUe'nise's, n, p. 360

^{page 468 note 8} Lescot, B., Textes kurdes, II, Beyrouth, 1942, pp. xiv–xvii.Google Scholar

^{page 468 note 9} This fact is remarked by Noldeke, op. cit., p. 4; see also Andreas, apudRohde, loc. cit., pp. 48, n. 3, 52, n. 2.

^{page 469 note 1} Christensen (Kayanidesp. 119, n. 4) remarks the connexion, but only to dismiss i t: ‘A mon avis, il ne faut pas attacher trop d'importance a la forme mythologique qu'a reeue la légende dans l'arrangement des auteurs grecs’.

^{page 469 note 2} See Bidez and Cumont, Les mages hellénisés, i, pp. 23–4; Jackson, Zoroaster, pp. 189

^{page 469 note 3} See, e.g., Bidez and Cumont, op. cit., I, pp. 5–19.

^{page 470 note 1} Sahname, 14, 157–62, 186–200

^{page 470 note 2} Sah., 14, 280–5; Zotenberg, Tha'alibl, p. 248.

^{page 470 note 3} Sah., 14, 287–9.

^{page 470 note 4} Sah., 14, 246–8.

^{page 471 note 1} In making this suggestion Darmesteter was scrupulous to point out that all female divinities tended at periods of syncretism to be assimilated to Aphrodite; see his Zend-Avesta, n, p. 365.

^{page 471 note 2} Noldeke (Nat. Epos, p. 4, n. 3) was prepared at a pinch to see in Katayun's name a transmogrification of or that of the sister of the Empress Theodora

^{page 471 note 3} In this connexion it is perhaps significant that when Vistaspa's name became known to the Greeks, probably in the 1st century before or the 1st century after Christ, it was in connexion with a vision-literature, and not with any martial exploits in defence of the faith; see Bidez and Cumont, op. cit., I, pp. 215–23; Benveniste, Rev. de I'hist des religions, vol. 106, 1932, pp. 372–80.Google Scholar

^{page 472 note 1} Vardan Vardapet, Commentary on GenesisCh. 13 (the reference, which I owe, together with the translation, to Dr. Dowsett, is from Nov Bargirk', Venice, 1836, under gusan).

^{page 472 note 2} See, e.g. Bagrat Chalathianz, Z. d. Vereins f. Volkskunde, xiv, 1904, pp. 295 ff., 386 ff.; xvn, 1907, pp. 414–5; xvm, 1908, p. 62.

^{page 472 note 3} See, e.g., B. Chalathianz, op. cit., xiv, pp. 40, 296; xvn, p. 420.

^{page 472 note 4} See Justi, Namenbuch, pp. 299b–300a; Hubschmann, Pers. St., p. 261; Arm. Gramm., p. 61; Marquart, Untersuchungenp. 21, n. 91

^{page 472 note 5} Mos. Xor. i, xix

^{page 472 note 6} Tschamtschean, i, 186, 39 (cited by Justi, loc. cit.).

^{page 472 note 7} HAG, p. 213.

^{page 472 note 8} Mos. Xor., in, xxxi; Faust. Byz. iv, xix.

^{page 472 note 9} ZDMG, 49, 1895, p. 639, n. 4; Caucasica, vII, 1931, p. 88.

^{page 472 note 10} AG, p. 74.

^{page 472 note 11} Namenbuch, p. 306 a.

^{page 473 note 1} Persica, 2, 10

^{page 473 note 2} See Gauthiot, MSL, xvi, p. 318; Meillet, JA, 1902, i, pp. 548–9; MSL, xvn, p. 242; Rev. fit. Armen., I, 3, pp. 233–6; apud Dumezil, ib., VI, 2, p. 68; Benveniste, ib., VII, 2, pp. 7–9.

^{page 473 note 3} See Justi, loc. cit.; Gutschmid, Kl. Schr., m, p. 294; Marquart, ZDMG, 49, p. 639, n. 4

^{page 473 note 4} See Grigor Chalathianz, WZKM, x, 1896, p. 224; R. v. Stackelberg, ib., xn, 1898, pp. 230–4. Marquart (Caucasica, vin, pp. 87–8) sought to establish a theory of an ancient cult of Spentodata in the west, based largely on the identification, in a late source, of the Xazar god T'angri Xan with a figure ‘ whom the Persians call Aspandiat’ (Mos. Kal., II, 40); see Brosset, Hist, de la Georgie add. et eclaireissements, p. 484; Stackelberg, v., ZDMG, 45, 1891, p. 623, and n. 5; Marquart, ZDMG49, p. 639, n. 4; HAG, p. 74. The Xazar god is described as a ‘gigantic, savage monster‘, who is worshipped with sacrifice of horses in a tall grove of trees. His own priests claimed, however, that when propitiated he healed the sick, gave wealth and brought rain to parched fields (Mos. Kal., n, 41). It does not seem possible, however, to attach much weight to the identification, at a relatively late date, of such an alien deity with ‘Aspandiat’; and Marquart's highly ingenious theory, linking together Gaumata, the Massagetae, and the Avestan traditions, builds more on the few facts available than their scantiness would seem to warrant.Google Scholar

^{page 473 note 5} Mos. Xor., supp. to Bk. I; on the words azdahak(apparently borrowed by the Armenians from Sassanian Persia), and visap(known to them in Parthian times), see Benveniste, Rev. fit. Armen., vn, 1, 1927, pp. 7–9.

^{page 473 note 6} ib., II, viii.

^{page 474 note 1} See Rawlinson, JRGS, ix, 1839, pp. 114–6; Noldeke, Pars. St., n, pp. 29–34; Nat. Epos, pp. 7–9; Marquart, ZDMG, 49, pp. 628–72; Caucasica, vII, pp. 78–113.Google Scholar

^{page 474 note 2} Serta Cantabrigiensia, F. Steiner Verlag, Mainz, 1954, pp. 49–51

^{page 474 note 3} Thus, in spite of the influence of Firdausi and the written tradition, the Armenian singers have come to mingle their local place-names—Kafkufa, Narti, Abraset, Sassun—with those of far-off and unfamiliar Qeabland Zabl; see B. Chalathianz, Z. d. Vereins f. Volkshundexvn, p. 417.

^{page 475 note 1} Thus Noldeke, Nat. Eposp. 11

^{page 475 note 2} See Marquart, ZDMG, 49, p. 641; N. C. Debevoise, A Political History of Parthia, pp. 152–74.

^{page 475 note 3} See Minorsky, BSOAS, xn, 1947, p. 24.

^{page 475 note 4} See Henning, Zoroaster, pp. 42.

^{page 475 note 5} See Serta Cantabrigiensia, p. 47, where it was pointed out that ‘ in Yt. 13 King Vistaspa is mentioned among the early adherents of the faith (w. 99–100), whereas his heathen ancestors are introduced independently and considerably later in the liturgy (v. 132) ’.

^{page 476 note 1} Thomas Cabham, Penitential, quoted by Faral, J., Les jongleurs en France, Paris, 1910, p. 44;Google Scholar see Bowra, C.M., Heroic Poetry, London, 1952, pp. 424–5Google Scholar

^{page 476 note 2} The relative indifference of the minstrels themselves to contemporary religion is perhaps shown by the absence of Volageses' name from among their Parthian heroes; although Marquart(ZDMG, 49, pp. 635–40) suggested that the Vistaspa of the legends was remodelled on the likeness of Volageses, the two champions of the faith thus merging into one.Google Scholar

^{page 476 note 3} This fact was recently emphasized to me in a letter by Mrs. N. K. C. Chadwick, in connexion with my somewhat rash remarks (Serta Cantabrigiensia, p. 45) about ‘chance or merit’ dictating the survival of particular groups of stories. An interesting example from modern Iran of the influence which pride in ancestry can have on the recitation of a heroic poem in this case the Kurdish Mend Alan—is given by R. Lescot in the introduction to his Textes kurdes, n, Beyrouth, 1942.

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