Article contents
Financing Manufacturing Innovation in Argentina, 1890–1930
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 14 April 2011
Abstract
Between 1890 and 1930, Argentina's manufacturers invested in imported machinery. Although they aligned with political allies to advance and protect their companies, their dependence on imported machinery, raw materials, fuel, and expensive skilled labor were obstacles to their success. Two factors slowed the progress of these entrepreneurs: their lack of technological capabilities and the absence of government policies to address the problems entailed in importing foreign machinery. Several political factions supported industry's efforts to reduce dependence on imported products and to diversify the economy. While these supporters hoped to promote industry through the passage of legislation to raise the tariff rate, their strategy represented a compromise that stifled the drive to innovate that is so necessary for long-run economic growth and industrial development.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © The President and Fellows of Harvard College 2009
References
1 Lall, Sanjay, “Explaining Industrial Success in the Developing World,” in Current Issues in Development Economics, ed. Balasubramanyam, V. N. and Lall, Sanjay (London, 1991), 119Google Scholar ; Taylor, Alan M., “Argentina and the World Capital Market: Saving, Investment, and International Capital Mobility in the Twentieth Century,” Journal of Development Economics 57, no. 1 (1998): 147–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 Shapiro and Taylor concentrate on seven sets of conditions : Shapiro, Helen and Taylor, Lance, “The State and Industrial Strategy,” World Development 18, no. 6 (1990): 861–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar . Kim focuses on access to technology and the build-up of technological competencies : Kim, Linsu, Imitation to Innovation: The Dynamics of Korea's Technological Learning (Cambridge, Mass., 1997)Google Scholar. And Davis analyzes the power of the middle classes. See also Davis, Diane E., Discipline and Development: Middle Classes and Prosperity in East Asia and Latin America (Cambridge, U.K., 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 André A. Hofman, The Economic Development of Latin America in the Twentieth Century (Northhampton, Mass., 2000), 2.Google Scholar
4 Based on estimates from a paper by Xavier Tafunell and Albert Carreras, “Capital Goods Imports and Investment in Latin America in the Mid-1920s,” 2007 (available on line: http:// www.emagister.com/capital-goods-imports-investments-latin-america-mid-1920s-cursos-1615321.htm); , Hofman, The Economic Development of Latin AmericaGoogle Scholar; Astelarra, Sara Caputo de, “La Argentinay la rivalidad commercial entre los Estados Unidos y Inglaterra (1899–1929),” Desarrollo económico 23, no. 92 (1984): 589–605.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
5 , Hofman, The Economic Development of Latin America, 39–40.Google Scholar
6 The U.N. Economic Commission on Latin America created indices of machine imports for Argentina, but only after 1945. Jorge Katz and Bernardo Kosacoff discuss this topic in El proceso de industrialización en Argentina: Evolución, retorceso y perspective (Buenos Aires, 1989)Google Scholar.
7 Dorfman, Adolfo, Historia de la industria argentina (Buenos Aires, 1942)Google Scholar ; Korol, Juan Carlos and Sábato, Hilda, “Incomplete Industrialization: An Argentine Obsession,” Latin American Research Review 25, no. 1 (1990): 7–30Google Scholar.
8 Barbero asserts that the Argentine entrepreneur is traditionally viewed as either an innovator or a rent seeker. Maréa Inés Barbero, “La historia de empresas en la Argentina: Trayectoriay temas en debate en las últimas dos décadas,” 153–69, in Gelman, Jorge, ed., La historia económica argentina en la encrucijada: Balances y perspectivas (Buenos Aires, 2006).Google Scholar
9 López, Andrés, Empresarios, instituciones y desarrollo económico: El caso argentino (Buenos Aires, 2006), 3–5.Google Scholar
10 , López, “Empresarios,” 5Google Scholar ; Casson, Mark, “Entrepreneurship and Business Culture,” in Entrepreneurship, Networks and Modern Business, ed. Brown, Jonathan and Rose, Mary B. (Manchester, 1993), 30–54Google Scholar ; Regalsky, Andrés M., “La evolución de la banca privada nacional en Argentina (1880–1914): Una introducción a su estudio,” in La formación de los bancos centrales en España y América Latina, vol. 2: Suramérica y el Caribe, ed. Tedde, Pedro and Marichal, Carlos (Madrid, 1994), 35–59Google Scholar ; Dahlman, Carl, Ross-Larson, Bruce, and Westphal, Larry E., “Managing Technological Development: Lessons from the Newly Industrializing Countries,” World Development 15, no. 6 (1987): 759–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
11 Suzigan, Wilson, Indústria brasileira: Origem e desenvolvimento (São Paulo, 1986).Google Scholar
12 Deutschland, Kaiserliches Statistisches Amte (after 1919, Statistischen Reichsamte) , Statistik des Deutschen Reichs: Auswartinger Handel des Deutschen (Berlin, 1890–1904Google Scholar , 1906–1913, 1923–1929); Direction Douanes, Générale des, Tableau Général du Commerce et de la Navigation: Commerce de la France Avec ses Colonies et les Puissances Etrangères, vol. 1 (Paris, 1897–1905, 1907–14, 1921–22, 1926–28)Google Scholar.
13 The index came from Feinstein, Charles, Statistical Tables of National Income, Expenditure, and Output of the U.K., 1855–1965 (Cambridge, 1972), T136–T138Google Scholar.
14 The ten sectors are textiles, metallurgy, paper, matches, cement, glass, brewing, to bacco, soap and candles, and burlap sacks. Information for this data set of 1,282 directors comes from a variety of primary and secondary sources. All fifty-nine companies under study were public corporations whose records were available in business and finance journals of the time. The most important of these records were company bylaws, directors' and stock holder reports, and financial statements, and they are available in three publications: Monitor de sociedades anónimas; Boletén oficial de la bolsa de comercio de Buenos Aires; and Boletén oficial de la República Argentina.
15 “Bolsa de comercio de Buenos Aires: Historia de la jurisdicción y prácticas comerciales desde la época del Virreynato,” donated by Luis Colombo to Biblioteca Nacional, 1935; British Chamber of Commerce in the Argentine Republic (Incorporated), annual reports for the years 1920–30.
16 Quien es quien en la Argentina: Biograféas contemporáneas (Buenos Aires, 1939).Google Scholar
17 Foreign investment represented nearly 50 percent of GDP. , Taylor, “Capital Accumulation.”Google Scholar See also Lanciotti, Norma, “Foreign Investments in Electric Utilites: A Comparative Analysis of Belgian and American Companies in Argentina, 1890–1960,” Business History Review 82 (Autumn 2008): 503–28CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
18 , Hofman, Economic Development, 31.Google Scholar
19 Conde, Roberto Cortés, “The Vicissitudes of an Exporting Economy: Argentina (1875–1930),” in An Economic History of Twentieth-Century Latin America, vol. 1: The Export Age, The Latin American Economies in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries, ed. Cárdenas, Enrique, Ocampo, José Antonio, and Thorp, Rosemary (New York, 2000), 265–98.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
20 The year 1913 was a “crisis year in nearly all Latin American countries except Colombia and Venezuela.” These two countries were not as dependent on foreign investment and international markets for economic growth. , Hofman, Economic Development, 43Google Scholar.
21 Taylor, Alan M., External Dependence, Demographic Burdens, and Argentine Economic Decline after the Belle Epoque,” Journal of Economic History 52 (Dec. 1992): 907–36.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
22 DeLong, J. Bradford, “Productivity Growth and Machinery Investment: A Long-Run Look, 1870–1980,” Journal of Economic History 52, no. 2 (1992): 307–24.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
23 He uses Déaz Alejandro's argument that investment in capital goods became a low priority under President Juan Perón DeLong. See “Productivity Growth,” 318–19.
24 , Dorfman, Economic DevelopmentGoogle Scholar ; Solberg, Carl, “Tariffs and Politics in Argentina, 1916–30,” Hispanic American Historical Review 53, no. 2 (1973): 260–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Alejandro, Carlos Déaz, Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic (New Haven, 1970)Google Scholar ; Guy, Donna, “Carlos Pellegrini and the Politics of Early Argentine Industrialization, 1873–1906,” Journal of Latin American Studies 2, no. 1 (1979): 123–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Schvarzer, Jorge, La industria que supimos conseguir: Una historia polético-social de la industria argentina (Buenos Aires, 1996)Google Scholar ; Solberg, Carl, Oil and Nationalism: A History (Palo Alto, Calif., 1979)Google Scholar.
25 Tella, Guido Di and Zymelman, Manuel, Los ciclos económicos argentinos (Buenos Aires, 1973), 170–71Google Scholar ; Sanz-Villarroya, Isabel, “Economic Cycles in Argentina: 1875–1990,” Journal of Latin American Studies 38, no. 3 (2006): 549–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
26 , Regalsky, “La evolución”Google Scholar ; Jones, Charles, “The Transfer of Banking Techniques from Britain to Argentina, 1862–1914,” Revue Internationale d'histoire de la banque (1983): 252–64;Google ScholarRocchi, Fernando, Chimneys in the Desert: Industrialization in Argentina during the Export Boom Years, 1870–1930 (Palo Alto, Calif., 2006), ch. 6.Google Scholar
27 Dávila, Carlos and Miller, Rory, eds., Business History in Latin America: The Experience of Seven Countries (Liverpool, 1999)Google Scholar ; Lomnitz, Larissa Adler and Perez-Lizaur, Marisol, A Mexican Elite Family, 1820–1980: Kinship, Class, and Culture (Princeton, 1987)Google Scholar.
28 Barbero, Maréa Inés, “Mercados, redes sociales y estrategias empresariales en los orégenes de los grupos económicos: De la Compañéa de Fósforos al Grupo Fabril (1880–1929),” Estudios Migratorios Latinoamericanos 15, no. 44 (2000): 119–45, 123.Google Scholar
29 Casson, Mark, “Institutional Economics and Business History: A Way Forward?” in Institutions and the Evolution of Modern Business, ed. Casson, Mark and Rose, Mary B. (London, 1998), 151–71.Google Scholar
30 Conde, Roberto Cortés, La economéa argentina en el largo plazo: Ensayos de historia económica de los siglos XIX y XX (Buenos Aires, 1997), 230–31Google Scholar ; , Rocchi, ChimneysGoogle Scholar ; Roy Hora, “La polética económica del proteccionismo en Argentina, 1870–1914,” paper presented at the 14th International Economic History Congress, Helsinki, Finland, August 2006.
31 Calculated using adjusted values of industrial product. See Conde, Cortés, La economéa argentina, 230–31Google Scholar.
32 , Sanz-Villarroya, “Economic Cycles,” 562.Google Scholar
33 Ibid.
34 From 1919 to 1932, investment represented 16 percent of GDP, and “its correlation with GDP [was] 0.88, greater than that of any other variable.” Ibid., 564.
35 Ibid., 562.
36 The Caja fixed the rate of one British pound to 5.04 Argentine gold pesos. The paper peso was pegged to the Argentine gold peso at a rate of 2.27 (11.45 paper pesos was equivalent to one British pound). Argentina had a two-currency system. The paper peso was used for domestic trade, the gold peso for international trade.
37 , Suzigan, Industria brasileira.Google Scholar
38 “La industria argentina: Lo que dicen las cifras,” Boletén de la Unión Industrial Argentina 22 (15 Jan. 1909): 1–2.Google Scholar
39 Adelman, Jeremy, Frontier Development: Land, Labour, and Capital on the Wheatlands of Argentina and Canada, 1890–1914 (Oxford, 1994), ch. 7.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
40 , Taylor, “Capital Accumulation,” 181.Google Scholar
41 Taken from the database of 1,282 directors.
42 Ford, A. G., The Gold Standard, 1880–1914: Britain and Argentina (New York, 1983).Google Scholar
43 By 1926, for example, Argentina's railroad network accounted for 43 percent of railroad track in South America . Times Book on Argentina (London, 1927), 4Google Scholar.
44 Sanz-Villarroya; Cortés Conde, La economéa argentina; Déaz Alejandro, Essays.
45 , Suzigan, Indústria brasileira, 85–86.Google Scholar
46 Argentina purchased and imported one-third and Brazil imported one-fifth of all metal and electrical goods. Tafunell and Carreras, “Capital Goods.”
47 Tafunell, Xavier, “On the Origins of ISI: The Latin American Cement Industry, 1900–1930,” Journal of Latin American Studies 39, no. 2 (May 2007): 299–329, 301–4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
48 Ibid., 322.
49 Richter, Ralf, “Technology and Knowledge Transfer in the Machine Tool Industry: The United States and Germany, 1870–1933,”Google Scholar unpublished paper presented at the 2007 Economic and Business Historical Society Conference, Providence, Rhode Island, April 2007 ; Mazzoleni, Roberto, “The Organization of U.S. Machine Tool Distribution in Europe (1890–1916),” Industrial and Corporate Change 11, no. 1 (2002): 53–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
50 Hutchinson, Lincoln, Report on Trade Conditions in Argentina, Paraguay, and Uruguay (Washington, D.C., 1906), 44.Google Scholar
51 Industrialists welcomed machine exports, but the exports of consumer products competed with local products, causing the president of the industrial lobby, Unión Industrial Argentina, to call for strong antidumping laws that would slow or stop the entry of imported manufactured products. See “Defensa de la industria nacional (contra dumping),” Diario de sesiones de la Cámara de Diputados 4 (18 Sept. 1919): 815–18Google Scholar ; “Proyecto reproducido: Dumping,” Diario de sesiones de la Cámara de Diputados, sesiones ordinarias 4 (27 Sept. 1922): 649–651Google Scholar.
52 , Hora, “La polética económica.”Google Scholar
53 Berensztein, Sergio and Spector, Horacio, “Business, Government and Law,” in A New Economic History of Argentina, ed. Paolera, Gerardo della and Taylor, Alan M. (Cambridge, U.K., 2003), 325.Google Scholar
54 Tella, Di and , Zymelman, Los ciclos económicos, 172–73Google Scholar . Law 11281 of 1923 raised tariff levels across the board for all finished consumer goods produced in the country. The rate varied according to product, ranging from 35 percent to 50 percent, but some products had specific duties on them, which led to an even higher rate.
55 “Premios a la elaboración de hierro,” in Diario de sesiones de la Cámara de Diputados: Sesiones extraordinarias 5 (8 Jan. 1919): 45–51.Google Scholar
56 “Prestamos a establecimientos industriales,” Diario de sesiones de la Cámara de Diputados 2 (4 July 1919): 682–83.Google Scholar
57 The government's interest in the oil industry was to make fuel available for railroads, public utilities, the merchant marine, and domestic industry. “Proyecto de ley,” in Diario de sesiones, sesiones ordinarias 4 (19 Aug. 1920): 285Google Scholar.
58 Solberg, Carl, The Prairies and the Pampas: Agrarian Policy in Canada and Argentina, 1880–1930 (Stanford, Calif., 1987), 191.Google Scholar
59 In the late nineteenth century, as a law student, LeBretón wrote his thesis on the topic of patents. In 1900, he established Argentina's longest-running magazine on patents, Patentes y marcas: Revista Argentina de la propiedad intelectual e industrial.
60 , Solberg, The Prairies and the Pampas, 212.Google Scholar
61 , Hutchinson, Report on Trade Conditions, 45.Google Scholar
62 Ibid., 46.
63 Ibid.
64 Massel, J. A., “Markets for Machinery and Machine Tools in Argentina,” Special Agent Series, no. 116, Department of Commerce (Washington, D.C., 1916)Google Scholar ; Motz, Frank H. von, “Markets for Agricultural Implements and Machinery in Argentina,” Special Agent Series, no. 125, Department of Commerce (Washington, D.C., 1916)Google Scholar.
65 “Lockwood, Greene, y Co., Inc. á Carlos A. Tornquist,” letter dated 13 Aug. 1924, available at Biblioteca Tornquist, Buenos Aires, file no. industrias 144-8271.
66 Department of Overseas Trade, The Market for Paper and Paper Products in the Argentine Republic (London, 1920), 11.Google Scholar
67 , Caputo, “La Argentina y la rivalidad commercial,” 602.Google Scholar
68 Ibid., 603, 601.
69 Haber, Stephen H., Industry and Underdevelopment: The Industrialization of Mexico, 1890–1940 (Stanford, Calif., 1989)Google Scholar ; Beatty, Edward, Institutions and Investment: The Political Basis of Industrialization in Mexico before 1911 (Stanford, Calif., 2001)Google Scholar.
70 , Beatty, Institutions and Investment.Google Scholar
71 , Adelman, Frontier Development; Anuario Geográfico indicates that, of all recorded immigrants entering the country between 1857 and 1930, only 53 percent remained in Argentina. Anuario geográfico Argentina (Buenos Aires, 1941), 186.Google Scholar
72 The censuses of 1895 and 1914 show that immigrants established thousands of manufacturing shops; they were strongly represented in industry and helped shape its structure. Romero, Luis Alberto and Sabato, Hilda, “Between Rise and Fall: Self-Employed Workers in Buenos Aires, 1850–1880,” in Essays in Argentine Labour History, 1870–1930, ed. Adelman, Jeremy (Oxford, 1990), 52–72Google Scholar ; Cortés Conde and Oscar Cornblit discuss the substantial role played by immigrants in industry. See Conde, Roberto Cortés, “Problemas del crecimiento industrial (1870–1914),” in Tella, Torcuato Di, ed., Argentina, sociedad de masas (Buenos Aires, 1965), 59–83Google Scholar , 70 ; Cornblit, Oscar, “Inmigrantes y empresarios en la polética Argentina,” Desarrollo Económico 6 (Jan.–Mar. 1967): 667–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
73 Haber, Stephen, “Political Economy of Industrialization,” in The Cambridge Economic History of Latin America: The Long Twentieth Century, ed. Bulmer-Thomas, Victor, Coatsworth, John H., and Conde, Roberto Cortés (Cambridge, U.K., 2006), 537–84.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
74 Talleres Metalúrgicos began in the nineteenth century as T. M. Rezzonico; Ottonello y Céa. Ferrum began as O. Schnaith and Compañéa and later became Ferrum, Industria Argentina de metales, sociedad anónima, beginning in 1898. In 1911, Tornquist turned Ferrum into a corporation. Introductora began as Herman Schlieper y Cia, which started as an import house and later produced and sold cigarros toscanos (the brand names were Avanti, Regina, Tute), yerba mate, and salt. Conen, which produced soap, candles, glycerin, and related products, was incorporated in 1904. In that year, it had the capacity to produce nine thousand tons of soap per year.
75 Ernesto Tornquist y Céa. Ltda. y sus compañéas afiliadas: Breve Historia (Buenos Aires, 1932)Google Scholar ; Gilbert, Jorge, “Los negocios del holding Tornquist,” in Prosperidad y miseria. Contribuciones a la historia económica argentina, ed. Villarruel, José (Buenos Aires, 2004), ch. 4Google Scholar.
76 Quien es Quien (1939).
77 Database of 1,282 directors.
78 Iron and scrap-iron shortages were due to the absence of iron deposits in Argentina and to the export of scrap iron in the 1920s. “Cantábrica,” memoria del directorio, Boletén oficial de la bolsa de comercio de buenos aires (10 Oct. 1927): 838–39.
79 Bell, Martin and Pavitt, Keith, “Technological Accumulation and Industrial Growth: Contrasts between Developed and Developing Countries,” Industrial and Corporate Change 2, no. 2 (1993): 157–210.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
80 “The ultimate achievement is to be a technologically mature firm with the ability to identify a scope for efficient specialization, to extend and deepen these with experience and effort, and to draw selectively on others to complement its own capabilities.”Gabriela Dutrénit, “Building Technological Capabilities in Latecomer Firms: A Review Essay,” Science, Technology, and Society 9, no. 2 (2004): 212–13Google Scholar.
81 Bárbero, Maréa Inés, “Treinta años de estudios sobre la historia de empresas en la Argentina,” Ciclos 5, no. 8 (1995).Google Scholar
82 , Casson, “Entrepreneurship and Business Culture,” 43.Google Scholar
83 Ross-Larson, Dahlman, and , Westphal, “Managing Technological Development,” 759–75.Google Scholar
84 , Hofman, Economic DevelopmentGoogle Scholar; , Dahlman, , Ross-Larson, and , Westphal, “Managing Technological Development”Google Scholar; Shapiro, Helen and Taylor, Lance, “The State and Industrial Strategy,” World Development 18, no. 6 (1990): 861–78.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
85 Kim, Linsu, Imitation to Innovation: The Dynamics of Korea's Technological Learning (Boston, 1997), 5.Google Scholar
86 , Schvarzer, Empresarios, 50.Google Scholar
87 The labor issue was important because Congress was passing a number of labor laws to protect women and children, reduce labor hours per week, set minimum wages, and create pension funds. Manufacturers alleged that these laws lowered labor's productivity and would result in inefficient production . , Schvarzer, Empresarios, 50Google Scholar.
88 Colombo, Luis, “El Problema Actual,” speech given at the Rotary Club, 9 Feb. 1931Google Scholar . Printed in Boletén de la Unión Industrial Argentina 44 (Feb. 1931): 27Google Scholar . Both the primary and secondary literature can be used to assess the outcome of the tariff debate. See Alejandro, Déaz, “The Argentine Tariff, 1906–1940”Google Scholar ; , DorfmanHistoria de la industria argentinaGoogle Scholar ; , Ferrer, La economéa argentinaGoogle Scholar ; , Schvarzer, Empresarios, 31–32Google Scholar ; , Solberg, “The Tariff and Politics in Argentina”Google Scholar ; , Coatsworth and , Williamson, “Always Protectionist?” 205–32Google Scholar ; , Lewis, “Immigrant Entrepreneurs,” 99–100Google Scholar ; , Hora, “La polética económica del proteccionismo”Google Scholar ; , Rocchi, Chimneys, ch. 7Google Scholar.
89 Sagarna, Antonio, “Comisión asesora de la enseñanza industrial,”Google Scholar and Colombo, Luis, “Las escuelas industriales del Colegio Pio IX,” Boletén de la Unión Industrial Argentina 41 (Jan. 1928): 845–48Google Scholar ; “Enseñanza industrial,” Boletén de la Unión Industrial Argentina 41 (Feb. 1928): 893–94Google Scholar.
90 Law 11544 of 1929, for example, limited the work day to eight hours per day and forty-eight hours per week. Law 11837 of 1934 mandated that all commercial and most industrial enterprises close by 8 PM.
91 Granovetter, Mark, “Coase Revisited: Business Groups in the Modern Economy,” Industrial and Corporate Change 4, no. 1 (1995): 93–130.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
92 , Haber, “Political Economy of Industrialization.”Google Scholar
93 Ernesto Tornquist y Co., Ltda., Economic Development of the Argentine Republic in the Last Fifty Years (Buenos Aires, 1919), xvii.Google Scholar
94 , Adelman, Frontier DevelopmentGoogle Scholar ; , Solberg, The Prairies and the PampasGoogle Scholar.
- 4
- Cited by