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The Development of Chinese and Japanese Business in an International Perspective: A Bibliographical Introduction

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 June 2012

Shin'ichi Yonekawa
Affiliation:
Professor of Business History, Hitotsubashi University, Tokyo

Extract

The primary purpose of this essay is to review studies in Chinese and Japanese business history that have appeared during the last few decades, and above all to review those that are relevant to the articles in this special issue either directly or as an aid to understanding the general background. As far as the latter is concerned, works of economic rather than of business history need to be mentioned. Although these works exist in Chinese and Japanese as well as in western languages, in this article reference will be made only to works in western languages and, when unavoidable, to Japanese-language studies. There will also be comments on the articles forming this special issue.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The President and Fellows of Harvard College 1982

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References

1 Although the agricultural sector played an important role in the industrialization of Asian countries, I will not refer to works in this important field.

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13 Davis, C. B., “Limits of Effacement: Britain and the Problem of American Cooperation and Competition in China, 1915–1917,” Pacific Historical Review Vol. 48, No. 1 (1979).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

14 W. R. Braisted, “The U.S. and the American China Development Company.” Pugach, N. H., “Standard Oil and Petroleum Development in Early Republican China,” Business History Review, 45 (Winter, 1971).CrossRefGoogle ScholarBraisted, W. R., “China, The United States Navy, and the Bethlehem Steel Company, 1909–1929,” Business History Review, 42 (Spring, 1968).CrossRefGoogle ScholarHunt, M. H., “Americans in the China Market: Economic Opportunities and Economic Nationalism, 1890s-1931,” Business History Review, 51 (Autumn, 1977).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

15 Quested, R., The Russo-Chinese Bank: A Multinational Financial Base of Tsarism in China (Birmingham, 1977).Google Scholar

16 Collins, W. F., Mineral Enterprise in China (Tientsin, 1922)Google Scholar; Dzen, T. Y., Das Bankwesen in China: Ein Beitrag zur Organisation und den Problemen der inlandischen und auslandischen Banken in China (Berlin, 1927)Google Scholar; King, S. T. and Lieu, D. K., China's Cotton Industry: A Statistical Study of Ownership of Capital, Output, and Labour Conditions (Shanghai, 1929)Google Scholar, reprinted in Problems of the Pacific, 1929 (Chicago, 1930); Hsieh, C. Y. and Chu, M. C., Foreign Interest in the Mining Industry in China (Shanghai, 1931)Google Scholar; Fong, H. D., Cotton Industry and Trade in China, 2 vols. (Tientsin, 1932)Google Scholar and, Industrial Capital in China (Tientsin, 1936); Hall, R. O., The Chinese National Banks from their Founding to the Moratorium (Berlin, 1921)Google Scholar; Lieu, D. K., The Growth and Industrialization of Shanghai (Shanghai, 1936)Google Scholar; Chen, G., Tso Tsung-t'ang: Pioneer Promoter of the Modern Dockyard and the Woollen Mill in China (Peiping, 1938).Google Scholar

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Feuerwerker, A., “Industrial Enterprise in Twentieth-century China,” in Feuerwerker, et al., eds., Approaches to Modern Chinese History (Berkeley, 1967)Google Scholar; MaCall, D. H., “Chang Chien: Mandarin turned Manufacturer,” Papers on China, No. 2 (1948)Google Scholar; Carlson, E. C., The Kaiping Mines, 1877–1912, (Cambridge, Mass., 1957)Google Scholar; Hao, Yen-P'ing, The Comprador in Nineteenth-century China (Cambridge, Mass., 1970)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; A. Feuerwerker, “China's Nineteenth Century Industrialization: the Case of the Hanyehping Coal and Iron Company Limited,” in C. D. Cowan, ed., The Economic Development of China and Japan; Feuerwerker, A., China's Early Industrialization: Sheng Hsuan-huai and Mandarin Enterprise (Cambridge, Mass., 1958)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stanley, C. J., Late Ch'ing Finance: Hu Kuang-Yung As an Innovator (Cambridge, Mass. 1963)Google Scholar; Chu, S. C., Reformer in Modern China: 1853–1926 (New York, 1965)Google Scholar; Bastid, M., Aspect de la reforme de l'enseignement en Chine au début du XX siècle (Paris, 1971).Google ScholarWillmott, W. E., ed., Economic Organization in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1972)Google Scholar also contains a couple of interesting historical articles.

17 Lockwood, S. C., Augustine Heard and Company, 1858–1862: American Merchant in China (Cambridge, Mass., 1971)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Feuerwerker, A., “Industrial Enterprise in Twentieth-Century China: The Chee Hsin Cement Co.,” in Feuerwerker, et al., eds., Approaches to Modern Chinese History (Berkeley, 1967).Google Scholar A couple of prominent firms have so far been paid attention. A worldwide project on writing the history of Shanghai Hong Kong Bank is in steady progress. Jardine Matheson & Co., An Outline of the History of a China House for a Hundred Years 1832–1932 (Hong Kong, 1932)Google Scholar; LeFevour, E., Western Enterprise in the Late Chi'ing China: A Selective Survey of Jardine, Matheson and Company's Operations, 1842–1895 (Cambridge Mass., 1968)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Drage, C., Taikoo (London, 1970)Google Scholar; Cochran, S. G., “Big Business in China: Sino-American Rivalry in the Tobacco Industry, 1890–1930” (Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1975)Google Scholar; Collis, M., The Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation: A Study of East Asia's Transformation, Political, Financial, and Economic during the last Hundred Years (London, 1965)Google Scholar; McLean, D., “British Banking and Government in China: the Foreign Office and the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, 1895–1914” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 197- [n.d.]).Google Scholar

See the following article, although it is not a historical work. B. E. Ward, “A Small Factory in Hong Kong: Some Aspects of its Internal Organization,” in W. E. Willmott, ed., Economic Organization.

18 Morikawa, H., “The Organizational Structure of the Mitsubishi and Mitsui Zaibatsu, 1868–1922: A Comparative Study,” Business History Review, 44 (Spring, 1970)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yui, T., “The Personality and Career of Hikojiro Nakamigawi, 1887–1901,” Business History Review, 44 (Spring, 1970).CrossRefGoogle Scholar H. Nakamigawa was a head of Mitsui zaibatsu. See also Roberts, J. G., Mitsui: Three Centuries of Japanese Business (New York, 1973).Google Scholar

19 Allen, G. C. and Donnithome, A. G., Western Enterprise in Far Eastern Economie Development: China and Japan (London, 1954).Google Scholar See Lockwood, W. W., “Japan's Response to the West: The Contrast with China,” World Politics, Vol. 9 (1956)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Perkins, D. H., “Government as an Obstacle to Industrialization: The Case of Nineteenth-Century China,” Journal of Economic History, Vol. 27, No. 4 (1967)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Nakagawa, K., “Business Strategy and Industrial Structure in Pre-World-War-II Japan,” in Nakagawa, , ed., Strategy and Structure of Big Business: the Proceedings of the First Fuji Conference (Tokyo, 1976).Google Scholar C. D. Cowan, ed., The Economic Development of China and Japan; Levy, M. J. Jr, “Contrasting Factors in the Modernization of China and Japan,” in Kuznets, S. et al., eds. Economic Growth: Brasil, India, Japan (Durham, 1955).Google ScholarChin, R., Management, Industry, and Trade in Cotton Textiles (New Haven, 1965)Google Scholar; Koh, S. J., Stages of Industrial Development in Asia: A Comparative History of the Cotton Industry in Japan, India, China, Korea (Philadelphia, 1966).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

20 Lieu, D. K., the Silk Industry of China (Shanghai, 1941)Google Scholar; E. Z. Sun, “Sericulture and Silk Textile Production in Ch'ing China,” in W. E. Willmott, ed. Economic Organization; M. Shih, “Production and Trade of Silk in the Late Ch'ing Period, 1843–1911,” in Hou and Yu, eds., Modern Chinese Economic History; Eng, R. Y., “Imperialism and the Chinese Economy: The Canton and Shanghai Silk Industry 1861–1932” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 1978)Google Scholar; Henmi, K., “Primary Product Exports and Economic Development: the Case of Silk,” in Ohkawa, K. et al., eds., Agriculture and Economic Growth: Japan's Experience (Princeton, 1970).Google ScholarLi, L. M., China's Silk Trade: Traditional Industry in the Modern World 1842–1937 (Cambridge, Mass., 1981).CrossRefGoogle ScholarSmith, T. C., The Agrarian Origin of Modern Japan (Stanford, 1958)Google Scholar and Political Change and Industrial Development in Japan: Government Enterprise, 1868–1880 (Stanford, 1955). Kiyokawa, Y., “Senzen Chugoku no Sanshigyo ni kansuru Jakkan no Kosatsu” (Some Observations on Silk Reeling Industry in pre-Second-World-War China), Keizai Kenkyu, Vol. 26, No. 3 (1975)Google Scholar, “Seishi Gijutsu no Denpa Fukyu ni tsuite” (The Diffusion of Silk-Reeling Technology), Keizai Kenkyu, Vol. 28, No. 4 (1977), and “Sanpinshu no Kairyo to Fukyu Denpa” (The Improvements in Silkworm Quality and Their Diffusion), Keizai Kenkyu, Vol. 31, No. 1–2 (1980).

21 Bellah, R. N., Tokugawa Religion: The Values of Pre-industrial Japan (Glencoe, Ill., 1957)Google Scholar; Hirschmeier, J., The Origins of Entrepreneurship in Meiji Japan (Cambridge, Mass., 1964)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Marshall, B. K., Capitalism and Nationalism in Prewar Japan: The Ideology of the Business Elite, 1868–1941 (Stanford, 1967).Google ScholarDore, R. P., Education in Tokugawa Japan (Berkeley, 1965)Google Scholar and British Factory-Japanese Factory: The Origins of National Diversity in Industrial Relations (Berkeley, 1973); K. Yamamura, “Compromise with Culture: Transformation of Japanese Managerial Systems,” in H. F. Williamson, ed., Managerial Strategies (Wilmington 1974). Major works have been written in Japanese by Hazama, H., “Historical Changes in the Life Style of Industrial Workers,” in Patrick, H., ed., Japanese Industrialization and its Social Consequences (Berkeley, 1976)Google Scholar and by Tsuda, M., “Study of Japanese Management Development Practices,” Histotsubashi Journal of Social Studies, Vol. 9, No. 1; Vol. 10, No. 1; Vol. 11, No. 1 (19771978)Google Scholar, Histotsubashi Journal of Arts ir Science, Vol. 18, No. 1 (1977); and “The Formation and Characteristics of Work Group in Japan,” in Nakagawa, K., ed., Labour and Management (Tokyo, 1979).Google Scholar

22 See Smith, T. C., Agrarian Origins and Political Change (Stanford, 1959).Google ScholarRenis, G., “The Community-centered Entrepreneur in Japanese Development,” Explorations in Entrepreneurial History, Vol. I, No. 2 (1955)Google Scholar. My own view is that in a modern business, welfare and charity are separated but in the precorporate period both were united; at the time of Noda associates both activities existed together in the name of the associates, so not all of them were necessarily charitable and philanthropic. It has to be emphasized that during this stage the charity was performed not on a personal but on an associates' level, and that besides pure charity large amounts of money were contributed under their auspices and in their name to found railways, a bank, laboratory, warehouse, and a hospital which were more or less connected with soy sauce manufacturing. A personal foundation like the Noda Charitable Society must, however, be separated from contributions such as those made in the name of the associates. The fact is that even after entering the corporate period, Noda company still long remained an “entrepreneurial enterprise.” What was the primary driving force behind the change from charity to paternalism if the change necessarily emerged with the formation of the company? Strictly speaking, the comparison of Noda associates with Carnegie Steel and National Cash Register is not really appropriate, because both American firms, although “entrepreneurial,” were corporations.

23 Hannah, L., ed., Management Strategy and Business Development: An Historical and Comparative Study (London, 1976)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chandler, A. D. Jr, and Daems, H., eds., Managerial Hierarchies: Comparative Perspectives on the Rise of the Modern Industrial Enterprise (Cambridge, Mass., 1980)Google Scholar; Chandler, A. D. Jr, “The Growth of the Transnational Industrial Firm in the United States and the United Kingdom: A Comparative Study,” Economic History Review, 2nd ser., Vol. 33, No. 3 (1980)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Horn, N. and Kocka, J., eds., Recht und Entwicklung der Grossunternehmen im 19, und fruhen 20 Jahrhundert (Göttingen, 1979)Google Scholar, Needless to say, a number of economic historians have been greatly interested in comparative studies for a long time.

24 The goal of the past and future Fuji International Conferences, which are held annually in Japan, is to further comparative studies by putting the history of Japanese management into an international perspective. There is no room here to mention the achievements of these conferences, but it has to be admitted that they have clarified many points of interest or difficulty for comparative studies. At the Fourth Conference, for instance, foreign participants pointed out that some features of Japanese labor management during the period before World War II are not confined to Japan. Presumably they are right, and we must proceed with detailed comparative studies. Nakagawa, K., ed., Labour and Labour Management (Tokyo, 1979).Google Scholar

25 I have given attention to these points in a comparison of the growth of cotton spinning firms in the U.K., U.S.A., India, and Japan, 1884–1936. See Yonekawa, S., “The Growth of Cotton Spinning Firms: A Comparative Study,” in Ohkochi, A. and Yonekawa, S., eds., Textile Industry and Business Climate: Proceedings of the Eighth Fuji Conference (Tokyo, 1982).Google Scholar