Article contents
A Ready-Made Business: The Birth of the Clothing Industry in America
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 December 2011
Abstract
This article recounts the birth of the clothing industry in the United States after 1815. It contends, in contrast to recent historical literature, that the clothing business was at the center of the American experience of industrialization. This was not because ready-made clothing was a novel commodity. Nor was it because of new production technologies, social innovations, or legal structures adopted by the industry. Rather, clothing entrepreneurs were significant because they integrated several important markets—a trans-Atlantic trade in cloth, an urban trade in labor, and a market for manufactured goods in the interior regions of the United States. This helped to make the ready-made clothing business among the country's largest industries by 1850.
- Type
- Articles
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © The President and Fellows of Harvard College 1999
References
1 Wilson's Business Directory of New York City (1860); New Trade Directory for New York (1800); Hunt's Merchant's Magazine (Jan. 1849): 116; Chamber of Commerce of New York, Annual Report, 1858, 38–40; Dorfman, Joseph, The Economic Mind in American Civilization, 1606–1865, vol. 2 (New York, 1946), 593–7Google Scholar; Dobb, Maurice, Theories of Value and Distribution Since Adam Smith: Ideology and Economic Theory (New York, 1973), 69–73.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
2 The General Description of All Trades, 1747, quoted in Waugh, Nora, The Cut of Men's Clothes, 1600–1900 (New York, 1964), 91.Google Scholar
3 Foster, George G., New York Naked (New York, 1849), 137–8.Google Scholar
Arguably the best account of the early decades of national industrialization in the United States remains Albion, Robert Greenhalgh, The Rise of New York Port, 1815–1860, with the collaboration of Pope, Jennie Barnes, (New York, 1939).Google Scholar See also Taylor, George Rogers, The Transportation Revolution, 1815–1860 (New York, 1951)Google Scholar; North, Douglass C., The Economic Growth of the United States, 1790–1860 (New York, 1966)Google Scholar; Meinig, D. W., The Shaping of America: Continental America, 1800–1867 (New Haven, Conn., 1993).Google Scholar
4 All figures are taken from United States, Manufactures of the United States in 1860; compiled from the original returns of the eighth census (Washington, D.C., 1865).Google Scholar
5 United States, Manufactures of the United States in 1860: Compiled from the Original Returns of the Eighth Census (Washington, D.C., 1865), lxxxv–lxxxixGoogle Scholar; Fine, Ben and Leopold, Ellen, The World of Consumption (London, 1993), 93–106.Google Scholar
6 Industry of All Nations, [Double Number], nos III and IV (New York, 1853); Wortley, Lady Emmeline Stuart, Travels in the United States, during 1849 and 1850, vol. 1 (London, 1851), 268Google Scholar; The United States Magazine and Democratic Review (New York) 19:C (Oct. 1846): 305.
7 Stewart, Margaret and Hunter, Leslie, The Needle is Threaded (London, 1964), 2Google Scholar; Morton, Linda, “The Training of a Tailor” Dress, vol. 8 (1982), 22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roy, Catherine L., “The Tailoring Trade, 1800–1920: Including an Analysis of Pattern Drafting Systems and an Examination of the Trade in Canada” (masters thesis, University of Alberta, 1990), 83Google Scholar; Arthur, Timothy Shay, The Tailor's Apprentice: A Story of Cruelty and Oppression (New York, n.d.), 4–5Google Scholar; John Shephard of New York, N.Y., Merchant Tailoring Accounts (Rutgers University Archives), v. 2 day-book (or “Waste Book”), 20 Apr. 1786; Cooper, Grace Rogers, The Sewing Machine: Its Invention and Development (Washington, D.C., 1976), 57–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ware, Caroline F., The Early New England Cotton Manufacture: A Study in Industrial Beginnings (Boston, 1931)Google Scholar; Dublin, Thomas, Women at Work: The Transformation of Work and Community in Lowell, Massachusetts, 1826–1860 (New York, 1979)Google Scholar; Wallace, Anthony F. C., Rockdale: The Growth of an American Village in the Early Industrial Revolution (New York, 1972).Google Scholar
8 Lemire, Beverly, Dress, Culture and Commerce: The English Clothing Trade before the Factory, 1660–1800 (London, 1997), 44–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Galton, F. W., Select Documents Illustrating the History of Trade Unionism 1: The Tailoring Trade (London, 1896), xviiGoogle Scholar; Chapman, Stanley, “The Innovating Entrepreneurs in the British Ready-made Clothing Industry,” Textile History 24 (1993): 5, 9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Shine, Carolyn R., “Dress for the Ohio Pioneers,” in Dress in American Culture, eds. Cunningham, Patricia A. and Lab, Susan Voso (Bowling Green, Ohio, 1993), 59Google Scholar; Newman, Peter K., “The Early London Clothing Trades,” in Oxford Economic Papers (New Series) 4:3 (Oct. 1952): 243–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Shammas, Carole, The Pre-Industrial Consumer in England and America (Oxford, 1990), 98Google Scholar; Zankowich, Paul, “The Craftsmen of Colonial New York City” (Ed.D. diss., New York University, 1956), 390Google Scholar; John Shephard, “Merchant Tailoring Accounts” (Ac. 861, Rutgers University Archives). See, for instance, 3 May 1786; 5 May 1786; 8 May 1786; 14 May 1786; 18 May 1786.
9 Bulletin of the National Association of Wool Manufacturers 4:11 (June 1873): 124, 126, 130–3.
10 Clothing's role in the American ideology of industrial progress is expressed in the prominence accorded it in the long introduction to the manufactures schedule of the eighth census, written after the war in 1865.
11 These categories were machinery, hardware and cutlery, cannon and small arms, precious metals, various metals, granite and marble, bricks and lime, wool, cotton, silk, flax, mixed textile manufactures, tobacco, hats and caps, leather and tanneries, soap and candles, distilled and fermented liquors, powder mills, drugs, medicines, paints and dyes, glass and earthenware, sugar refining, paper, printing and binding, cordage, musical instruments, carriages and wagons, grist, flour, oil and saw mills, ships, furniture, and houses. Wright, Carroll D., History and Growth of the United States Census (Washington, D.C., 1900), 309–12Google Scholar; Hamilton, Alexander, Report of the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, on the subject of Manufactures(Dublin, 1792)Google Scholar; Cohen, Patricia Cline, A Calculating People: The Spread of Numeracy in Early America (Chicago, 1982), 175–204.Google Scholar
12 This definition of manufacturing is taken from Webster, Noah, An American Dictionary of the English Language (New York, 1845)Google Scholar, and is reflective of Locke's accepted notions of property and labor. See Locke, John, The Second Treatise of Government (Indianapolis, 1952), 16–8.Google Scholar For a general discussion see Tribe, Keith, Land, Labour and Economic Discourse (London, 1978).Google Scholar Edwin Freedley, a prolific copywriter on behalf of industrial progress, noted in the late 1850s, however, that the meaning of “manufacture” had become “an extremely flexible one.” Freedley, , Philadelphia and Its Manufactures (Philadelphia, 1858), 21.Google Scholar
13 Surplus values alludes here to the growing prevalence in the nineteenth century of creating manufacturing enterprises as a means of generating cash profits, and of using waged labor to do so. The best historical account of this dynamic arguably remains the first volume of Capital. Marx, Karl, Capital, vol. 1 (Moscow, 1954).Google Scholar
14 Fox, George P., Fashion: The Power that Influences the World 3rd ed. (New York, 1872), 22Google Scholar; United States, Abstract of the Statistics of Manufactures, according to the Returns of the Seventh Census, Jos. C. G. Kennedy, superintendent (35th Congress, 2d Session, Senate Ex. Doc. No. 39), 35; Veblen, Thorstein, The Theory of Business Enterprise (New York, 1932; originally 1904), 19, 27.Google Scholar John Diggens argues that this entrepreneurial redefinition of economic activity is implicit in Madison's contribution to The Federalist. Diggins, John P., The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism (Chicago, 1984), 60–2.Google Scholar
15 Eighty Years' Progress of the United States (Hartford, Conn., 1869), 309–311; Greeley, Horace, et. al. The Great Industries of the United States (Hartford, Conn., 1872), 587–592Google Scholar; Depew, Chauncey M., One Hundred Years of American Commerce, 1795–1895 (New York, 1895), 561–565.Google Scholar
16 Chandler, Alfred D. Jr, The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in America (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), 50–78, 209–239Google Scholar; Bruchey, Stuart, Enterprise: The Dynamic of a Free People (Cambridge, Mass., 1990), 137–164Google Scholar; Licht, Walter, Industrializing America: The Nineteenth Century (Baltimore, 1995), 21–35Google Scholar; Cochran, Thomas C., Frontiers of Change: Early Industrialism in America (New York, 1981), 10 (quote).Google Scholar Only Porter and Livesay note that clothiers uniquely solved problems of distribution in the industrializing market. Porter, Glenn and Livesay, Harold, Merchants and Manufacturers: Studies in the Changing Structure of Nineteenth-Century Marketing (Baltimore, 1971), 27–9.Google Scholar
17 Chandler, Visibte Hand, 62–4; Bruchey, Enterprise, 150–1; Licht, Industrializing America, 26–30. On the decentralizing trends in clothing production, see United States, Manufactures of the United States in 1860, lxi. On the shoe industry specifically, see Dawley, Alan, Class and Community: The Industrial Revolution in Lynn (Cambridge, Mass., 1976)Google Scholar and the brilliantly gendered revision of this familiar history in Blewett, Mary H., Men, Women, and Work: Class, Gender, and Protest in the New England Shoe Industry, 1780–1910 (Urbana, Ill., 1988).Google Scholar Both of these studies are more interested in tracing the evolution of class rather than the changing nature of business, however.
18 New-York Post, Jan. 2, Jan. 5, Jan. 10, Apr. 24, Aug. 16, 1822.
19 On British dumping, see Cole, Arthur Harrison, The American Wool Manufacture (Cambridge, Mass., 1926), 80–1, 145–7Google Scholar; Westerfleld, Ray Bert, “Early History of American Auctions—A Chapter in Commercial History,” Transactions of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences (May 1920): 168, 186–91, 202Google Scholar; Wright, Chester Whitney, Wool-Growing and the Tariff: A Study in the Economic History of the United States (New York, 1910), 41–57.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Yearly breakdowns of textile imports after 1821 are to be found in Congress's annual Commerce and Navigation Reports.
20 New-York Post, 27 Mar. 1822; 16 Sept. 1822; Philadelphia Directory and Register, (1816–1822); Alexander, David, Retailing in England during the Industrial Revolution (London, 1970), 185Google Scholar; Anderson, B. L., “Entrepreneurship, Market Process and the Industrial Revolution in England,” in The Market in History, Anderson, B. L. and Latham, A. J. H. (London, 1986), 172–3, 178, 181.Google Scholar
On the industrial nature of custom tailoring, see Zakim, Michael, “Customizing the Industrial Revolution: The Reinvention of Tailoring in the Nineteenth Century,” Winterthur Portfolio 33:1 (1998): 41–58.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
21 New York-Post, 29 Apr. 1824; 9 May 1825; 3 Apr. 1828; 27 Mar. 1830; Fitzgerald De Roos, F., Personal Narrative of Travels in the United States and Canada in 1826 (London, 1827), 5–6.Google Scholar
22 Longworth's New York City Directory (1816, 1817, 1818, 1819); Mercein's City Directory, New-York Register, and Almanac (1820); Fearon, Henry Bradshaw, Sketches of America (London, 1818), 10–11.Google Scholar See the illustration of a tailor's shop in Bridenbaugh, Carl, Colonial Craftsman (New York, 1950).Google Scholar
23 Valentine, D. T., Manual Manual of the Corporation of the City of New York (New York, 1864), 753–4Google Scholar; New-York Post, 13 July 1819; Brooks Brothers Archives: ledger, 1822 (Box 03 A3 book 2A); Sales book, 1824–9 (box 3 A3 book 3); “Report on the Founding” (BB1 F10); William R. Bagnall, “Sketches of Manufacturing Establishments in New York City, and of Textile Establishments in the United States” (MSS. North Andover, Mass.: Merrimack Valley Textile Museum, 1977), 344–6; Longworth's American Almanac, New-York Register and City Directory (1806–1819). Henry's four sons would found the well-known “Brooks Brothers” in 1850.
24 Smith, Matthew Hale, Sunshine and Shadow in New York (Hartford, Conn., 1868), 56Google Scholar; Elias, Stephen N., Alexander T. Stewart: The Forgotten Merchant Prince (Westport, Conn., 1992), 4.Google Scholar
25 Albion, The Rise of New York Port, 12–13, 55–61, 63; Cohen, Ira, “The Auction System in the Port of New York, 1817–1837,” Business History Review 45 (Winter 1971): 488–9, 493–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Jones, Fred Mitchell, Middlemen in the Domestic Trade of the United States, 1800–1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1937), 34, 70.Google Scholar
26 Nantucket Enquirer, 17 Jan. 1825.
27 Niles' Weekly Register, 9 Sept. 1826; also see 21 June 1823; Cole, American Wool Manufacture, 80–1, 145–7; Westerfield, “Early American Auctions,” 168, 186–91, 202; Wright, Wool-Growing and the Tariff, 41–57.
28 New-York Post, 16 Aug. 1822; 24 Apr. 1822; and 5 Jan. 1822; Westerfield, “Early History of American Auctions,” 182–3, 184, 196–8; Elias, Alexander T. Stewart, 21; Cohen, “The Auction System,” 495, 499; Albion, The Rise of New York Port, 276; Wright, Wool-Growing and the Tariff, 49. For details on fabrics see Ordonez, Margaret Thompson, “A Frontier Reflected in Costume, Tallahassee, Leon County, Florida: 1824–1861” (Ph.D. diss., Florida State University, 1978), 268–276Google Scholar; and Montgomery, Florence M., Textiles in America, 1650–1870 (New York, 1984), 192–3, 287–9, 238–9, 298, 325.Google Scholar
29 New-York Post, 20 Apr. 1819; 13 July 1819; Haswell, Charles H., Reminiscences of an Octogenarian of the City of New York (New York, 1896), 57, 72, 77.Google Scholar
30 Saposs, David, “Colonial and Federal Beginnings,” in Commons, John R., et. al. History of Labour in the United States, vol. 1 (New York, 1918), 28–58Google Scholar; Dobb, Maurice, “Entrepreneur,” in Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. 5, ed. Seligman, Edwin (New York, 1931), 559.Google Scholar On the pre-industrial meaning of capitalist see, for instance, ads in the New York Times, “To capitalists” and “Important to capitalists,” 29 Sept. 1835.
31 For Burks separate advertisement to provincial dealers see New-York Post, 24 Apr. 1822.
32 Louisville Public Advertiser, 5 Feb. 1823; Louisville Gazette, 20 Dec. 1825; Jones, S., Pittsburgh in the Year Eighteen Hundred and Twenty Six (Pittsburgh, 1826)Google Scholar; St. Louis Beacon, 13 Apr. 1829; Nashville Republican & State Gazette, 11 Mar. 1828; 31 Oct. 1828.
33 The quote is from New Orleans Directory and Register, 1822. On clothing in New Orleans see New Orleans Annual Advertiser, 1832; Taylor, George Rogers, The Transportation Revolution 1815–1860 (New York, 1951), 9, 107, 164Google Scholar; Myers, Margaret, The New York Money Market, vol. 1 (New York, 1931), 43–4Google Scholar; Albion, The Rise of New York Port, 95–6, 118–9. For a good description of the continental credit system and the New York-New Orleans axis see United States Magazine and Democratic Review 2:6 (May, 1838); 116–8; Greef, Albert O., The Commercial Paper House in the United States (Cambridge, Mass., 1938), 15–7Google Scholar; Feldman, Egal, “New York's Men's Clothing Trade” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1959), 76–8.Google Scholar
34 Jones, Middlemen in the Domestic Trade, 10–11, 49; Hower, Ralph M., “Urban Retailing in 1850,” in Readings in the History of American Marketing, Settlement to Civil War (Homewood, Ill., 1968), 296Google Scholar; Porter and Livesay, Merchants and Manufacturers, 7, 10, 21–2; Lindstrom, Dianne, Economic Development in the Philadelphia Region, 1810–1850 (New York, 1978), 3Google Scholar; Cochran, Thomas C., 200 Years of American Business (New York, 1977), 14–5, 29.Google Scholar
35 Bruchey, Cotton and the Growth of the American Economy, 241–5; Richmond County History 6:1 (Winter 1974): 23–5; Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, 15 July 1829; 8 Mar. 1833; 19 Apr. 1834; James, John A., Money and Capital Markets in Postbellum America (Princeton, N.J., 1978), 51–4Google Scholar; North, Douglass C., The Economic Growth of the United States, 1790–1860 (New York, 1966), 66–71Google Scholar; Meinig, The Shaping of America, 241, 286, 324. On the mechanics of financing interregional exchange in the 1820s and 1830s see Temin, Peter, The Jacksonian Economy (New York, 1969), 44–112.Google Scholar
36 Peters, Linda Ellen, “A Study of the Architecture of Augusta, Georgia, 1735–1860,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Georgia, 1983), 104–5Google Scholar; Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, 17 Oct. 1835; 8 Nov. 1834; 27 Dec. 1834; 30 May 1835; 7 Feb. 1835; 29 Aug. 1835; 28 May 1836; 26 Jan. 1837; 16 Feb. 1837; 21 Mar. 1835; 9 July 1834; 24 Sept. 1836; 22 Nov. 1834; 6 Feb. 1837; 23 Oct. 1837; 27 Mar. 1837. The Georgian, 3 May 1831; 1 May 1829; 3 May 1830; 14 Apr. 1837; Charleston Directory, 1835–6.
37 James M. Edney, New York, N.Y., 1835–7. Letter book to F. H. Cooke of Augusta. (Rutgers University Special Collections), 3 Feb. 1836; 21 Oct. 1835; Augusta Chronicle, 1 Nov. 1823.
38 Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, 26 Jan. 1837. Edney to Cooke, 11 Nov. 1837; 31 Oct. 1835; Jones, Memorial History of Augusta, 172.
39 Tillson, Christiana Holmes, A Woman's Story of Pioneer Illinois, ed. Quaife, Milo Milton (Chicago, 1919), 85Google Scholar; Augusta Chronicle and Sentinal, 24 Mar. 1832; 2 Aug., 11 July, 29 Aug., 1835; 9 Jan. 1836; 28 May 1836; Read, B. and Bodman, H., Description of the Gentlemen's Winter Fashions (New York, 1836)Google Scholar; Edney to Cooke, 28 June 1835.
40 “Negro cloth” was an inexpensive fabric, akin to kerseys and satinets.
41 Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, 26 Jan. 1837; 27 Jan. 1837; 27 Mar. 1837; 23 Oct. 1837; Edney to Cooke, 21 Nov. 1835. On the growth of the provincial market in these years see Diane Lindstrom, Economic Development, 12–7.
42 Meinig, The Shaping of America, 232, 351; Jones, John B. (Luke Shortfleld), The Western Merchant (Philadelphia, 1849), 80.Google Scholar
43 Tanner, H.S., A Description of the Canals and Railroads of the United States (New York, 1840), 173–4.Google Scholar
44 E. D. Cooke's debtors in Georgia Journal, 30 Jan. 1831; 13 June 1833; Augusta Chronicle, 4 Mar. 1826; 7 Oct. 1826, 3 June 1826; 20 May 1828; On general stores see Warshaw Collection of Business Paraphanelia (Smithsonian Institution), Business Records, box 3/item 8, box 31/item 6; James Shorter Papers Collection No. 1091. letter, 20 Aug. 1826 (Georgia Historical Society); Lewis E. Atherton, The Southern Country Store, 84–5.
45 This is to be distinguished from “Negro” clothing, which could include “suits” of “blue jackets and trowsers, well lined.” The Georgian, 27 Nov. 1823. Baumgarten, Linda, Eighteenth-Century Clothing at Williamsburg (Williamsburg, Va., 1986), 204Google Scholar; DuPont, Ann, “Textile and Apparel Management Functions Performed by Women in the Nineteenth Century Plantation South,” Ars Textrina 18 (Dec. 1992): 55–6Google Scholar; Jensen, Joan M., “Needlework as Art, Craft, and Livelihood before 1900,” in A Needle, A Bobbin, A Strike: Women Needleworkers in America, eds. Jensen, and Davidson, Sue (Philadelphia, 1984), 9Google Scholar; Ordonez, “A Frontier Reflected in Costume,” 180–3; New York Herald, 3 Sept. 1836.
46 Stachine, Myron O., “‘For the Sake of Commerce’: Rhode Island, Slavery, and the Textile Industry,” an essay accompanying the exhibit The Loom & the Lash (Museum of Rhode Island History, 1982)Google Scholar; Lippincott, Isaac, “A History of Manufactures of Ohio Valley, to 1860” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 1912), 169–70.Google Scholar On Army production, see National Archives, RG92, Correspondence File, 1794–1915, entry no. 225.
47 Edney to Cooke, 28 June 1835; 25 July 1835; 19 Mar. 1836; 26 Mar. 1836; 30 Apr. 1836; 27 Feb. 1836. See also 31 Mar. 1837; 26 Sept. 1837.
48 Ware, The Early blew England Cotton Manufacture, 31; Edney to Cooke, 3 Oct. 1835; 10 Oct. 1835; 25 Oct. 1835; 26 Dec. 1835; 27 Jan. 1837; 7 Oct. 1836; 19 Mar. 1836; Augusta Chronicle and Sentinel, 27 Mar. 1837; 16 Feb. 1837.
49 Siegenthaler, Hansjorg, “What Price Style? The Fabric-Advistory Function of the Dry-goods Commission Merchant, 1850–1880,” Business History Review 41 (Spring 1967), 38.CrossRefGoogle Scholar “Capitalist realism” is borrowed from Michael Schudson; see Appadurai, Argun, “Introduction,” in The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge, U.K., 1986).CrossRefGoogle Scholar There were ample numbers who did not participate in the clothing revolution. In Schoharie County, New York, for instance, Henry Conklin later remembered how he and his brothers wore clothing made of the coarsest tow and stayed in bed while their mother did the wash since they had only one set of garments. Conklin, Henry, Through ‘Poverty's Vale’: A Hardscrabble Boyhood in Upstate New York, 1832–1862 (Syracuse, N.Y., 1974), xiii.Google Scholar In Milledgeville, Georgia James Moran got married in a homespun jacket in 1825. Bonner, James C., Milledgeville: Georgia's Antebellum Capital (Athens, Ga., 1978), 68.Google Scholar Of related interest is a description of a jury of 24 men, all heads of households, in Tallahassee from these years: “What a motley assemblage! From the huntsman in his leather shirt and breeches … the squatter in his straw hat, and dressed in coarse domestic stuffs made up by his wife; the little merchant, showing off in all the elegant exaggerated graces of the counter …” Quoted in Ordonez, “Frontier in Costume,” 147.
50 Edney to Cooke, 22 June 1835; 30 Apr. 1836; 21 Mar. 1836; 29 Aug. 1836; 17 Sept. 1836; 26 Mar. 1836.
51 Cost estimations based on Trautman, Patricia Anne, “Captain Edward Marrett, a Gentleman Tailor” (Ph.D. diss., University of Colorado, 1982)Google Scholar; John Shepherd of New York, N.Y. Merchant Tailoring Accounts. Ac. 861 and 1721 (Ruters University Special Collections); James M. Edney, New York, N.Y., 1835–7, Letter Book to F. H. Cooke of Augusta (Rutgers University Special Collections), 13 Feb. 1836; United States, Seventh Census (1850), Manufactures Schedule, raw data, New York County, N.Y. On fluctuation in cloth prices, see National Archives, RG 92, entry no. 2118, 1830–3: special items, check lists, and indices.
52 Edney to Cooke, 11 Aug. 1837; 19 Sept. 1837; 21 Oct. 1837; see also 31 Oct. 1835; 9 Jan. 1836; 27 Feb. 1836; 29 Feb. 1836; 2 Apr. 1836, 23 Apr. 1836; 19 Aug. 1836; 21 Jan. 1837; 1 Mar. 1837; 14 Nov. 1837; 12 Dec. 1837; 24 Nov. 1837; Cole, The American Wool Manufacture, 289–91; Porter and Livesay, Merchants and Manufacturers, 27; Classified Mercantile Directory, 1837; See also Atherton, Lewis E., “The Problem of Credit Rating in the Ante-Bellum South,” Journal of Southern History 12 (1946): 536–7, 550Google Scholar; Augusta Directory, 1841; On the personal dynamic of credit arrangements in these years see Greene, Asa, Perils of Pearl Street, including a Taste of the Dangers of Wall Street (New York, 1845), 116–24.Google Scholar
53 Dickens, Charles, American Notes for General Circulation (London, 1972, originally 1842), 220–8.Google Scholar
54 Tocqueville in Meyers, Marvin, The Jacksonian Persuasion: Politics and Belief (New York, 1957), 131Google Scholar; Tryon, Household Manufactures, 298–300, 370–5; Ford, Thomas, A History of Illinois, from its Commencement as a State in 1818 to 1847, ed. Quaife, Milo Milton (Chicago, 1945), 129–30.Google Scholar
55 In Federalist No. 14 Madison still thought that improvements in the national transportation infrastructure would, first and foremost, serve government rather than commerce. In 1787, in other words, the republic was still principally defined as a political effort. Hamilton, Alexander, et al, The Federalist (New York; Modern Library, 1941), 79–85Google Scholar; Rothenberg, From Market Places to Market Economy, 4; see also Agnew, Jean-Cristophe, Worlds Apart: The Market and the Theater in Anglo-American Thought, 1550–1750 (New York, 1986), 17–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cronon, William, Nature's Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York, 1991), 61Google Scholar; Hunfs (Oct. 1840): 305–310.
56 New York Sun, 11 Sept. 1835; Greene, Asa, A Glance at New York (New York, 1837), 132–4.Google Scholar
57 New York Transcript, 21 Aug. 1835; 15 Sept. 1835. New York Herald, 7 June 1836; 7 July 1836; 7 May 1836; 4 Mar. 1836. New York Sun, 26 Apr. 1836; 26 Sept. 1835; 6 Jan. 1836; 11 Sept. 1835; 25 May 1836; On the Tailoresses' and Seamstresses' Clothing Establishment see New York Herald, 1 June 1837; 29 July 1837; Morning Courier and New-York Enquirer, 24 May 1836.
58 Jensen, John M., “Needlework as Art, Craft and Livelihood before 1900” in A Needle, A Bobbin, A Strike: Women Needleworkers in America, eds. Jensen, and Davidson, Sue (Philadelphia, 1984), 5Google Scholar; Collard, “Canadian Trousers in Transition”; Crawford, Laurie Casey, “The Analysis of Mid-Nineteenth Century Men's Outer-Garments from a Deep Ocean Site,” (Ph.D. diss., The Ohio State University, 1994), 73, 145, 147, 204Google Scholar; New York City Tailor, measurement book, (New-York Historical Society); Citizens and Strangers, 109; Leopold, Ellen, “The Manufacture of the Fashion System,” in Ash, Juliet and Wilson, Elizabeth, Chic Thrills: A Fashion Reader (Berkeley, Calif., 1992), 112Google Scholar; Lewis and Hanford, Spring Catalogue, 1849 (Warshaw Collection); United States, Seventh U.S. Census (1850), Products of Industry, raw data, New York County.
59 Bythell, Duncan, The Sweated Trades: Outwork in Nineteenth Century Britain, (New York, 1978), 166–7Google Scholar; Boydston, Jeanne, Home and Work: Housework, Wages, and the Ideology of Labor in the Early Republic (New York, 1990), 131Google Scholar; Stansell, Christine, City of Women: Sex and Class in New York, 1789–1860 (Urbana, Ill., 1982), 115Google Scholar; Stott, Workers in the Metropolis, 103–4.
60 Feldman, Fit for Men, 103; Penny, Employments of Women, 111–5; Stansell, City of Women, 111–2, 114.
61 Edney to Cooke, 13 Feb. 1836; 31 Dec. 1836; 6 Jan. 1838; 11 Jan. 1838.
62 Rosenbloom, Richard S., “A Conjecture about Fashion and Vertical Process Integration,” Business History Review 37 (Spring/Summer 1963): 94–5.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Edney to Cooke, 1 Mar. 1837; 7 Oct. 1836. On F.J. Conant's buying strategy see Feldman, “New York's Men's Clothing Trade,” 25. New York Herald, 18 Feb. 1836; 7 July 1836; Morning Courier and New-York Enquirer, 24 May 1836.
63 Working Man's Advocate, 10 June 1831. Philadelphia Public Ledger, 21 Sept. 1837.
64 Edney to Cooke, 22 Apr. 1837. Dewey, Davis Rich, Financial History of the United States (New York, 1907), 225.Google Scholar Atherton, Southern Country Store, 21–2. On these strategems see Greene, Perils of Pearl Street. On the easiness of New York credit for commercial neophytes from the South see Baldwin, Joseph G., The Flush Times of Alabama and Mississippi (New York, 1957).Google Scholar
65 Marcus, Jacob Rader, Memoirs of American jews, 1775–1865 (New York, 1974), 291–9.Google Scholar
- 6
- Cited by