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Stalled Professionalism: The Recruitment of Railway Officials in the United States, 1885–1940*
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 June 2012
Abstract
Professor Morris' investigation of American railway management indicates that the railroads, which had been such innovative institutions in the nineteenth century, clung to ossified and outmoded managerial practices after the industry reached maturity. Inbred and inflexible systems of recruitment and promotion, he argues, were a noteworthy aspect of the economic decline of American railroads in the twentieth century.
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- Copyright © The President and Fellows of Harvard College 1973
References
1 Prior to 1900, aside from the patronage machines of urban politics, the only convincing domestic model of complex bureaucratic growth was provided by the railways. The railways led in the furtherance of the business virtues of order and regularity. For the development of bureaucratic forms of administration by the American railways, see Chandler, Alfred D. Jr., Strategy and Structure (Cambridge, Mass., 1962)Google Scholar, and The Railroads: The Nation's First Big Business (New York, 1965)Google Scholar. Aside from detailed working rules and an operational hierarchy of control, the railways gave rise to an elaborate intraindustry associationalism of a quasi-professional character. The Master Mechanics' Association was organized in 1867, the Master Car Builders' Association in 1866, the American Roadmasters' Association in 1883, the Car Accountants' Association in 1876, and the American Association of Railway Accountants in 1888. The American Railway Association was formed in the same year. By 1900 the superintendents, the freight claim agents, the travelling engineers, the telegraph superintendents, the superintendents of buildings and bridges, all had their annual meetings. Even the American Bar Association began as a meeting of railroad attorneys. See also Crease, D. L., “Organizations of Railway Employees,” Outlook, LXXXVI (July 6, 1907), 503–510Google Scholar.
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23 Since many clerks went on to become telegraph operators, the figures understate the number of clerical and commercial employees who progressed from telegraph operator to trainmaster (or yardmaster), with the possibility of a further promotion to a division superintendency.
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44 Ibid., and Dunn, Selection and Training of Railroad Supervisors, 40, 14. In 1926 only 43.8 per cent and in 1940 only 40 per cent, of the heads of mechanical departments were college graduates. In 1940 one railroad found that less than 25 per cent of their special apprentices had stayed with the company and that only 4 per cent had become successful supervisors. The railways came to rely increasingly upon their own schemes of apprenticeship training. See Morris, J. V. L., Employee Training (New York, 1921), 167–174Google Scholar.
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60 Overton, Burlington Route, 549. Daniel Willard became president of the Baltimore & Ohio in 1910 at the age of forty-nine, and he retired in 1941 at the age of eighty.
61 “The usual superiority of private management,” declared sociologist Giddings, Franklin H., “becomes conspicuous in great emergencies. The energy displayed by the Pennsylvania Railroad, in re-establishing its through traffic after the Johnstown flood, was something not to be expected of any governmental maangement that we are acquainted with at present.” Democracy and Empire (New York, 1900), 151Google Scholar. See also Adams, Brooks, America's Economic Supremacy (New York, 1900), 48Google Scholar.
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69 Roberts, Frank, “What is Wrong with Railroad Management?” Railway Mechanical Engineer, 94 (March, 1920), 137–140Google Scholar. “The authority is too far removed to be efficient. Everybody must see his superior and get official authority before he can act and the different departments and divisions do not co-operate properly to make railroad work attractive or efficient.” See also Clapp, E. J., “An American Transportation System,” New Republic. XXIX (February 1, 1922), 267Google Scholar.
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