Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gxg78 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-27T04:55:41.295Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Protection and salvation: an eleventh-century silver vessel, its imagery, and its function

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  13 March 2018

Lara Frentrop*
Affiliation:
The Courtauld Institute of Artlara.frentrop@courtauld.ac.uk

Abstract

A small silver bowl, discovered in Russia and usually attributed to eleventh-century Byzantium, displays a range of unusual imagery that has complicated its interpretation. The role of the saint and prayer on the vessel and the emphasis placed on intercession as well as on protection, this paper will suggest, was to protect the vessel's owner both on earth and in his afterlife. The vessel, which makes visible contemporary ideas about punishment, Last Things, and salvation, presents a fragmentary image of the Last Judgement designed to stress the importance of heavenly justice and to remind its viewer to remain virtuous.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Centre for Byzantine, Ottoman and Modern Greek Studies, University of Birmingham, 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 The dish is now in the collections of the State Hermitage Museum, St Petersburg, together with a group of vessels attributed to Byzantium, which are catalogued in Darkevich, V. P., Svetskoe iskusstvo Vizantii: proizvedeniia vizantiiskogo khudozhestvennogo remesla v Vostochnoi Evrope X-XIII veka (Moscow 1975)Google Scholar. Bank, A., 'Monuments des arts mineurs de Byzance (Xe-XIIe siècles) au Musée de l'Ermitage (Argenterie, stéatites, camées)’, Corsi di cultura sull'arte ravennate e bizantina IX (1962) 125138. 128Google Scholar.

2 Redford, S., ‘How Islamic is it? The Innsbruck Plate and its setting’, Muqarnas 7 (1990) 119135. 125-6CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 Ševčenko, N. P., ‘Eaten alive: animal attacks in the Venice Cynegetica ’, in Anagnostakis, I., Kolias, T. G. and Papadopoulou, E. (eds.), Ζώα και περιβάλλον στο Βυζάντιο (7ος-12ος αι.) (Athens 2011) 115135. 132Google Scholar; Maguire, H. and Maguire, E. Dauterman, Other Icons: Art and Power in Byzantine Secular Culture (Princeton 2007) 96 Google Scholar; Maguire, H., ‘The profane aesthetic in Byzantine art and literature’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 53 (1999) 189205. 193CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Haldon, J., A Tale of Two Saints. The Martyrdoms and Miracles of Saints Theodore ‘the Recruit’ and ‘the General’ (Liverpool 2016) 117 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; White, M., Military Saints in Byzantium and Rus, 900–1200 (Cambridge 2013) 5, 50CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a detailed treatment of the development and background of warrior saints, see Walter, C., Part I ‘History and Antecedents’, in The Warrior Saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition (Aldershot 2003)Google Scholar; Kurtz, E., ‘Zwei griechische Texte über die Hl. Theophano, die Gemahlin Kaisers Leo VI.’, Mémoires de l'Académie impériale des sciences de St.-Pétersbourg, Classe historico-philologique 3.2 (1898) 180. 10Google Scholar; Magdalino, P., ‘Saint Demetrios and Leo VI’, Byzantinoslavica 51 (1990) 198201. 198-9Google Scholar; Maguire, H., The Icons of Their Bodies: Saints and Their Images in Byzantium (Princeton 1996) 547 Google Scholar; Nelson, R., ‘“And So, With the Help of God”: the Byzantine art of war in the tenth century’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 6566 (2011-2012) 169192. 189Google Scholar.

5 See, for example, Woodfin, W., ‘An officer and a gentleman: transformations in the iconography of a warrior saint’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 60 (2006) 111143 Google Scholar.

6 While iconographic features of the saint's portrait, such as his short hair and pointed beard, could help to identify the saint as either St Theodore Tiron or St Theodore Stratelates, the small size of the depiction on the vessel, which can measure no more than 5cm across and the resulting lack of detail make it difficult to establish with certainty the saint's identity based on these features. For the iconographic features and histories of the two St Theodores, see: Walter, The Warrior Saints, 44-64.

7 Maguire, ‘The profane aesthetic’, 193; White, Military Saints, 59.

8 Maguire, H., ‘Magic and the Christian image’, in Maguire, H. (ed.), Byzantine Magic (Washington, D. C. 1995) 51–2Google Scholar.

9 Maguire, H., ‘From the evil eye to the eye of justice: the saints, art, and justice in Byzantium’, in Laiou, A. and Simon, D. (eds.), Law and Society in Byzantium: Ninth to Twelfth Centuries (Washington, D. C. 1994) 217239. 235Google Scholar.

10 Liudprand of Cremona, The Complete Works of Liudprand of Cremona, ed. and trans. P. Squatriti (Washington, D. C. 2007) Retribution VI.5; Mango, C., The Art of the Byzantine Empire 312-1453: Sources and Documents (London 1986) 209–10Google Scholar.

11 Ševčenko, ‘Eaten alive’, 118; exceptions include the image of a traitor accused of having attempted to poison Basil II in 1022, shown being thrown to the lions in a Madrid manuscript of John Skylitzes, Madrid BN Vitr.26-2, fol.196r, or the comical depiction of a gladiator felled by a lion on an ivory box in the State Hermitage Museum, see: Bank, A., Byzantine Art in the Collections of Soviet Museums (Leningrad/St Petersburg 1985)Google Scholar figs.134-135.

12 Achmet, Achmetis Oneirocriticon, ed. F. Drexl (Leipzig 1925) 285; translated in Oberhelman, S., The Oneirocriticon of Achmet: a Medieval Greek and Arabic Treatise on the Interpretation of Dreams (Lubbock 1991) 239–40Google Scholar; Maguire, Other Icons, 88-9; for Western and Eastern sources, see: St Jerome, In Isaiam, 66,13. J.-P. Migne, Patrologia latina, 24, 662; St Ambrose, Sermo XLVI, 2. Patrologia latina, 17, 695C-D; Anastasius Sinaites, Hexameron, 6 in Patrologia graeca, 89, 926A; Maximus of Turin, Homilia LX. Patrologia latina, 57, 369-370.

13 Maguire, Other Icons, 65; Maguire, H., ‘Profane icons: the significance of animal violence in Byzantine art’, RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics 38 (2000) 1833. 24Google Scholar; Maguire, The Icons of their Bodies, 124-26.

14 Theophanes Continuatus, ed. I. Bekker (Bonn 1838) 6.24. 451; Chronographiae quae Theophanis Continuati nomine fertur Libri I-IV, eds. and trans. M. Featherstone and J. Signes Codoñer, Series Berolinensis, Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae 53 (Berlin 2015).

15 Maguire, ‘Profane icons’, 27.

16 The church, previously dated to the late twelfth or thirteenth century, has now been dated to the fifteenth by Kiilerich, B., ‘Making sense of the spolia in the Little Metropolis in Athens’, Arte Medievale 4 (2005) 95114 Google Scholar.

17 Maguire, H., ‘The cage of crosses: ancient and medieval sculptures on the ‘Little Metropolis’ in Athens’, Θυμἰαμα. Στη μνἠμη τῆς Λασκαρἰνας Μποὐρα (Athens 1994) I, 169172. 170Google Scholar; Grabar, A., Sculptures byzantines du moyen âge II (XIe-XIVe siècle) (Paris 1976) 59 Google Scholar; Maguire, H. et al. (eds.), Art and Holy Powers in the Early Christian House (Ann Arbor 1989)Google Scholar; Kiilerich, ‘Making sense of the spolia in the Little Metropolis in Athens’, 95-114; Palagia, O., ‘The date and iconography of the Calendar Frieze on the Little Metropolis, Athens’, Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts 123 (2008) 215–37Google Scholar.

18 Le roman de Callimaque et de Chrysorrhoé, ed. M. Pichard (Paris 1956) II, 188-194; trans. Betts, G., Three Medieval Greek Romances (New York 1995) 40 Google Scholar; Maguire, ‘The cage of crosses’, 172.

19 On the protective function of beasts such as dragons, sphinxes, and serpents in combination with epigraphy on a monumental scale, see: Eastmond, A., ‘Other encounters: popular belief and cultural convergence in Anatolia and the Caucasus’, in Peacock, A., De Nicola, B. and Yildiz, S. Nur (eds.), Islam and Christianity in Medieval Anatolia (Farnham 2015) 183213 Google Scholar.

20 Maguire et al. (eds.), Art and Holy Powers; Maguire, ‘The cage of crosses’, 172.

21 Ševčenko, ‘Eaten alive’, 132; Bank, A., Iskusstvo vizantii v sobranijach SSSR (Moscow 1977) II, no.551Google Scholar.

22 Ševčenko, ‘Eaten alive’, 132.

23 Acts 1:10-11.

24 Ševčenko, N., ‘Some images of the Second Coming and the fate of the soul in Middle Byzantine Art’, in Daly, S. J. Robert (ed.), Apocalyptic Themes in Early Christianity (Brookline, Mass. 2009) 250–72. 250-51Google Scholar.

25 For more on the Last Judgement, including images, see: Jónsdóttir, S., An 11th Century Byzantine Last Judgment in Iceland (Reykjavík 1959)Google Scholar; Brenk, B., Die Anfänge der byzantinischen Weltgerichtsdarstellung (Munich 1964)Google Scholar; Christe, Y., Jugements derniers (Saint-Léger-Vauban 1999)Google Scholar; Klein, H., Ousterhout, R. and Pitarakis, B. (eds.), Kariye Camii, yeniden (Istanbul 2011)Google Scholar; N. Bhalla, Social Histories of the Last Judgement in Byzantine Art, PhD Dissertation, Courtauld Institute of Art, 2014.

26 Ševčenko, ‘Images of the Second Coming’, 252.

27 Ševčenko, ‘Images of the Second Coming’, 253.

28 Ševčenko, ‘Images of the Second Coming’, 254.

29 Matthew 25:31-46; Daniel 7:9-10.

30 Revelation 20:11-15.

31 Kretzenbacher, L., Die Seelenwaage: Zur religiösen Idee vom Jenseitsgericht auf der Schicksalswaage in Hochreligion, Bildkunst und Volksglaube (Klagenfurt 1958)Google Scholar.

32 Paris Bib. Nat. gr.74, fol.51v.

33 Maguire, E. D., ‘Ceramics of everyday life’ in Evans, H. and Wixom, W. D. (eds.), The Glory of Byzantium: Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843-1261 (New York 1997) 255257 Google Scholar; Morgan, C., Byzantine Pottery Vol.11. Corinth: Results of Excavations Conducted by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens (Cambridge, Mass. 1942) no. 1271, 134, pl. XLIIIGoogle Scholar.

34 Angelov, V., Bulgarian Church Woodcarving 14th-19th Century (Sofia) 6 Google Scholar; Filov, B., Die Altbulgarische Kunst (Bern 1919) 35, fig. XXXIVGoogle Scholar.

35 Grabar, Sculptures byzantines, 118-121, pl. LXXXVII.

36 The beasts on the bowl might represent the punishments meted out to the sinners, therefore possibly serving as ’shorthand’ images of hell.

37 The Middle Byzantine date is implied on one hand by the occurrence of emperor John I Tzimiskes (969-976) and his predecessor Nikephoros II Phokas (963-969) in the Apocalypse of Anastasia, and on the other the cult of the Virgin as an intercessor, which begins around the ninth to tenth centuries in Byzantium, in the Apocalypse of the Theotokos. Baun suggested that the most likely period for Anastasia’s composition lies between 976 and the end of the eleventh century; see: Baun, J., Tales from Another Byzantium: Celestial Journey and Local Community in the Medieval Greek Apocrypha (Cambridge 2007) 1617 Google Scholar.

38 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 3.

39 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 1.

40 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 3; vices included are ploughing out of one's furrow, and virtues such as respect for the local priest, i.e. virtues and vices which weigh heavily on local networks of kin, village, and parish.

41 Apocalypse of the Theotokos, trans. Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, §17.

42 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 242.

43 Kazhdan, A., et al. (ed.), The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium (Oxford, 1991) 672 Google Scholar; Burgmann, L., Ecloga (Frankfurt am Main 1983) II, 5261 Google Scholar; III, Leo and V, Constantine, A Manual of Roman Law: the Ecloga, ed. and trans. Freshfield, E. (Cambridge 1926) 104105 Google Scholar; Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 242.

44 Apocalypse of the Theotokos, trans. Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, §10

45 The fourth woman, who is bitten all over by eight serpents, now lacks the inscription to identify her sins. See: Thierry, J.-M. and Thierry, N., Nouvelles églises rupestres de Cappadoce. Région de Hasan Dagi (Paris 1963) 100–101Google Scholar.

46 Dagron, G., “Ainsi rien n’échappera à la réglementation.’ État, église, corporations, confréries: à propos des inhumations à Constantinople (IVe-Xe siècle)’, in Kravari, V. et al. (eds.), Hommes et richesses dans l'Empire byzantin (Paris 1991) 155–82, 163Google Scholar; Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 382.

47 See: Wortley, J., ‘Death, judgment, heaven, and hell in Byzantine “Beneficial Tales”’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 55 (2001) 5369 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; The Spiritually Beneficial Tales of Paul, Bishop of Monembasia and of other Authors, ed. and trans. J. Wortley (Kalamazoo 1996).

48 Εὐεργετηνός ήτοι συναγωγή τῶν θεοφθόγγων ρημάτων και διδασκαλίον τῶν θεόφρων, ed. V. Matthaios (Athens 1957); translated in Wortley, The Spiritually Beneficial Tales. For a text and translation of the monastic foundation document, see Jordan, R. H. and Morris, R., ed. and trans., The Hypotyposis of the Monastery of the Theotokos Evergetis, Constantinople (11th-12th Centuries): Introduction, Translation and Commentary (Farnham 2012)Google Scholar.

49 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 153.

50 Evergetinos I.5, 58-60; The Evergetinos: a Complete Text. The First Book, ed. and trans. Archbishop Chrysostomos et al., (Etna, CA 1988) I, 76-79.

51 Evergetinos I.1,19-40; The Evergetinos, 17-56.

52 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 306.

53 Apocalypse of Anastasia, translated in Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, §50.

54 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 311.

55 Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 97.

56 Apocalypse of the Theotokos, trans. Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, §26; Baun, Tales from Another Byzantium, 12.

57 Pitarakis, B., Les croix-reliquaires pectorales byzantins en bronze (Paris 2006) 84108 Google Scholar.

58 Vassilaki, M. (ed.), Mother of God: Representations of the Virgin in Byzantine Art (Athens 2000) 308 Google Scholar; Pitarakis, B., ‘Female piety in context: understanding developments in private devotional practices’, in Vassilaki, M. (ed.), Images of the Mother of God: Perceptions of the Theotokos in Byzantium (Aldershot 2005) 153166. 155Google Scholar; Pitarakis, Les croix-reliquaires, 123-144.