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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 January 2016
Michael Marullus, fifteenth-century Greek, soldier and Latin poet, lived almost all his life in exile. In his earliest poetry revanchist thoughts directed at his country’s Ottoman conquerors are hardly present, and superhuman powers are held responsible for the catastrophe. Later, Byzantine reliance on foreign forces is blamed. With time however and political developments in central and western Europe, a crusade or Türkenzug seemed to become more likely, and Marullus turned to the Habsburg Maximilian I and Charles VIII of France as possible liberators. This paper attempts to describe the poet’s developing treatment of the themes of defeat and exile and his response in the last decade of the fifteenth century to the possibility of military action against the Ottomans.
1 The book lacks any indication of place or date of publication. It is however generally agreed that it was printed in Rome by Eucharius Silber. Perosa, A., ‘Studi sulla formazione delle raccolte di poesie del Marullo, Rinascimento 1 (1950) 125-56Google Scholar; 257-79 (henceforth Perosa, ‘Studi’) at 131-3 (= Studi di filologia umanistica [Rome 2000] [henceforth Perosa, Stud. fil. urnan.] III 203-43 at 208-09), dates its publication to between June 1488 and July 1489 and in his edition, Michaelis Marnili carmina (Zurich [1951]) p. IX and n. 6, to early 1489. Its contents were subsequently re-edited as books I and II of the four books of Epigrammata in Hymni et Epigrammata (Florence 1497). The two editions will be referred to by Perosa’s sigla of s and c respectively. The text of his edition is used throughout this paper, with E standing for Epigrammata, HN for Hymni naturales, N for Neniae, EV for Epigrammata varia and P for Institutiones principales. References to material other than textual in his edition will henceforth be to Perosa, Edition.
2 ‘Still unformed seed, I was still scarcely implanted properly in my mother’s womb when my defeated country suffered the weight of enslavement’(Vix bene adhuc fueram matris rude semen in alvo, / cum grave servitium patria vieta subit), E 2.32.65-6. Place and date of birth are matters of debate. The communis opinio has him born in Constantinople c.1453; for a convenient summary see K.A.E. Enenkel, ‘Todessehnsucht am Schwarzen Meer: Michael Marules’ lyrische Autobiographik im “Exilgedicht” (“De exilio suo”; 1489/90; 1497) und anderen Gedichten’ (henceforth Enenkel, ‘Todessehnsucht’) in Die Erfindung des Menseben. Die Autobiographik des frühneuzeitlichen Humanismus von Petrarca zu Lipsius (Berlin 2008) 368–428 Google Scholar at 384 and n. 22. My view that he was born in the Morea and that patria vieta refers to its conquest has been argued in ‘Spartanus Marullus’ in Kaluga, Ch. and Malliares, A. (eds.), Πελοπόννησος: πόλεις και επι-κοινωνίες στη Μεσόγειο και τη Μαύρη θάλασσα: Συμπόσια E’, ΣΓ, Z’, H’ (Athens 2006) (henceforth McGann, ‘Spartanus’) 195–205 Google Scholar; ‘Reading Horace in the Quattrocento: The Hymn to Mars of Michael Marullus’ (henceforth McGann, ‘Hymn’) in Harrison, S.J. (ed.), Homage to Horace. A Bimillenary Celebration (Oxford 1995) 329-47Google Scholar at 330; ‘1453 and all that: the end of the Byzantine empire in the poetry of Michael Marullus’ (henceforth McGann, ‘1453’) in McFarlane, I.D. (ed.), Acta conventus neo-latini sanctandreani (Binghampton 1986) 145-51Google Scholar at 145-47. As the conquest of the Morea was not complete until 1461 ( Zakythinos, D. A., Le despotat grec de Morée I [London 1975] 273-4Google Scholar; contrast Enenkel, ‘Todessehnsucht’, 385, n. 23), the poet’s year of birth (as opposed to his conception) would fall in the period 1460-2. Enenkel accepts that he was born in the Morea, but on the basis of the poet’s statement that he was seventeen years old when he began service as a mercenary (E 2.32.71-4) and his own dating of that event to 1475 he assigns his birth to 1458, ‘Todessehnsucht’, 395-7. For a difficulty with this view see below n. 14.
3 E 4.17.9-12.
4 Tarcagnota, Giovanni, Delle istorie del mondo II (Venice 1585) 797 Google Scholar. See McGann, ‘Spartanus Marullus’, 204, n.5.
5 Haskell, Y. holds that ‘the liberation of his fatherland’ is Marullus’s ‘dominant theme’, ‘The Tristia of a Greek refugee: Michael Marullus and the politics of Latin subjectivity after the Fall of Constantinople (1453)’, Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society, N.S. 44 (1998/1999) (henceforth Haskell, Tristia) 110-36CrossRefGoogle Scholar at 114-15; cf. 112. She cites in support thirty-one poems ‘addressed to contemporary leaders, flattering or exhorting them openly to take up arms to this end’ or recalling Greek courage, but only seven of these have anything to say about the prospect of liberation, nn. 23, 24. The present paper excludes many poems that she cites and visits some others. I believe the theme grows in importance during 1490-95, but is never dominant.
6 Cf. E 2.16.39-42, the sole, hypothetical, mention of liberation in s, where he says that if lamentation could free his country, he would be condemned if it were not free (sc. because he had failed to lament enough); in fact lamentation is ‘useful to no one and harmful to myself’.
7 c. 3.8.17-28; 29.25-33, and (of himself as Musis atnicus ... unice securus) c 1.26.1-6.
8 His death is thus an exception to Enenkel’s generalisation that fifteenth-century Italians were not prepared to die for their country, ‘Todessehnsucht’, 410-11.
9 Housley, N., The Later Crusades, 1274-1580. From Lyons to Alcazar (Oxford 1992) 111-12Google Scholar.
10 At E 1.48.27-8 deos is juxtaposed with sors fera; cf. E 2.49.7-26. In a context of randomness it would be a mistake to look for any specific cause of divine anger; not surprisingly, in view of the unconfessional tenor of his work, Marullus eschews explanations that attribute the catastrophe either to the Greeks abandoning their Orthodox heritage at Ferrara-Florence or to their failure to deliver on the promises they made there.
11 Teucer occurs nowhere, Turca at E 3.37.44; 4.17.41; 4.32.8; H 2.6.28.
12 At E 1.48.7 hostes are Ottomans threatening Italy; at 33 and 36 hostilis refers to Mehmed’s forces in 1453. E 1.48 contains one exotic touch, the name Acbumus (Ahmad Gedik, commander at Otranto) (21).
13 ‘(E)ine autobiographische Retrospektive’, Enenkel, ‘Todessehnsucht’, 401. He dates the poem after the publication of s, which with Perosa, Edition, p. IX, he assigns to 1489. Perosa however believes that its subject-matter is antiquioris aetatis, that it is therefore early and that lack of space, ut videtur, precluded its inclusion in s, Edition, p. X and n. 12; see below nn. 26, 42.
14 Born between 1460 and 1462 and beginning mercenary service at the age of seventeen (see above n. 2), Marullus could have served Basarab IV, voivode of Wallachia (1477-81) (Bessi iussa superba fero, E. 3.37.10). With the usually accepted birth date of c. 1453 he would have been a mercenary from c. 1470. For a survey of various suggestions about his service see Enenkel, ‘Todessehnsucht’, 389-95. His own view is that Marullus took service under Matthaeus Corvinus in 1475 (he arrives at 1458 as the poet’s year of birth by subtracting 17 from 1475; cf. n. 2 above), ‘Todessehnsucht’, 395-97. It is however difficult to believe that the dominus of E 3.37.10-12, whose imperium[que] ferox robbed the poet of his freedom, is also the sanctus patriae pater, benefactor, lawgiver and patron of the arts of E 4.22, a poem probably written about the same time. (Corvinus, who is there addressed as a living contemporary, died in 1490.)
15 Cf. E 1.22.1-2.
16 For the version in с see the appendix below, pp. 241-44. In addition to what may be termed inherent likelihood, the priority of BR is supported by three facts: in c Maximilian takes the place held in BR by il Magnifico, who died in 1492 (see below, p. 233); the poem spoken in BR by the dead lusus atque unica cura of Zenobio Acciaiuoli (E 3.20 bis) does not appear in c, probably suppressed as discreditable to Zenobio, by then a Dominican; corresponding to BR’s unmetrical fana miles is c’s metrically correct fana malis (43). For Enenkel’s view see below, n. 42.
17 See also below n. 92.
18 See now Philippides, M. and Hanak, W.K., The Siege and the Fall of Constantinople in 1453 (Farnham 2011) 377-87Google Scholar and passim. (Longo’s name is indexed as ‘Justinian’.)
19 The pun was, to the best of my knowledge, first pointed out by Estelle Haan in the course of discussion at a seminar in Belfast in 1987, and then, independently, by Bihrer, A., ‘Aeneas flieht aus Konstantinopel - Exil, Heimatliebe und Türkenkrieg in Michael Marullus’ Elegie De exilio suo (Epigr. 3, 37)’ (henceforth Bihrer, ‘Exil’) in Lefèvre, E. and Schäfer, E. (eds.), Michael Marullus. Ein Grieche als Renaisssancedichter in Italien (Tübingen 2008) 11–31 Google Scholar at 25. On his belief that the reference to Longo is ‘deutlich’ see Appendix, below, p. 244.
20 Cf. H 4.1.17-20, where language is the badge of Greek identity.
21 Cf. Etrusco carpimur otio, H 2.6.22.
22 Cf. Jacques Chomarat’s explanation of animus gnavus and res agendae as respectively ‘l’activité intellectuelle, poétique en particulier’ and ‘l’action, les faits d’armes (synonyme de res gerere)’, Marnile, Michel. Hymnes naturels. Édition critique (Geneva 1995) (henceforth Chomarat, Hymnes) ad 71-2, p. 150 Google Scholar.
23 Cf. Harrauer, C., Kosmos und Mythos: die Weltgottbymnen und die mythologischen Hymnen des Michael Marullus (Vienna 1994) 409 Google Scholar, who however connects merui with the hymn itself. Sudden death: Enenkel, ‘Todessehnsucht’, 415; Chomarat, Hymnes, 121, who refers to the poet’s (unattested) ‘combats contre les Turcs’, 126.
24 Contrast the condemnation in E 3.37.37-46 of the acceptance of foreign help in 1453.
25 In both poems the third stanza separates natural and human examples, with tu (Horace) and Malli (Marullus) occurring in line 9 of each.
26 It is impossible to establish the relative chronology of E 3.47 and the hymns to Mercury and Mars. I have arranged them to show an increasingly specific desire to return to Greece, but the temptation to infer a biographical development from this should be resisted. Without revealing what ‘early’ res he finds in E 3.47, Perosa puts it in the same category as 3.37, Edition, p. X and n. 12. Cf. also n. 13 above; 42 below.
27 Cf. Jason Maynus’s Epithalamion for Maximilian and Bianca Maria Sforza in Freher, M. (and Struvius, B.G.), Rerum Germanicarum scriptores aliqui insignes II (Strassburg 1717) (henceforth Freher, II) 468-75 at 474Google Scholar.
28 Perosa, Edition, Index nominum, s.v. Medices Laurentius, Petri filius. On the other hand Carol Kidwell discussing E 4.19 thinks not of recycling, but of the sending out contemporaneously of appropriate versions to both addressees, who ‘were extremely unlikely to compare notes’, Marullus. Soldier Poet of the Renaissance (London 1989) (henceforth Kidwell, Marullus) 136-7. A clear instance of this procedure would make the suggestion more plausible.
29 Cf. Freher, II 470: Concepisti tacitus animo a teneris usque unguiculis futuram expeditionem adversus saevissimam & truculentisssimam Turcarum insolentiam. On the subject of the child’s name see Winkelbauer, Walter, ‘Kaiser Maximilian I. und St. Georg’, Mitteilungen des österreichischen Staatsarchivs 7 (1954) 524-6Google Scholar, with a quotation from Maximilian’s Latin autobiography, 526, n. 7.
30 For the importance of St George to Frederick and Maximilian see Schmid, Karl, ‘“Andacht und Stift”. Zur Grabmalplanung Kaiser Maximilians I.’ in Schmid, Karl and Wollasch, Joachim (eds.), Memoria. Der geschichtliche Zeugniswert des liturgischen Gedenkens im Mittelalter (Munich 1984) 750-71Google Scholar at 758-9 and, for literature, nn. 37-8.
31 Laourda, B., “H προς τον Φρειδερΐκον Г’ εκκλησις τοϋ Μιχαήλ Άποστόλη’ in ΓέραςΆντωνίου Κεραμοπού-λου (Athens 1953) 516-27Google Scholar.I am grateful to Alexander Riehle for alerting me to the existence of this work.
32 Cf Wiesflecker, H., Maximilian, V (Munich 1986) 412-13Google Scholar; cf. I (Munich 1971) 389-95 (henceforth Wies-flecker, Maximilian, V, and Wiesflecker, Maximilian, I, respectively).
33 Sigismondo dei Conti da Foligno, Le storie de’ suoi tempi dal 1475 al 1512, II (Rome 1883) (henceforth ‘dei Conti, Storie, II’) 426-31Google Scholar.
34 The following account of Maximilian’s campaign is based on Wiesflecker, H.’s paper, ‘Maximilians Türkenzug 1493/94’ (henceforth Wiesflecker, ‘Türkenzug’), Ostdeutsche Wissenschaft 5 (1958) 152-78Google Scholar.
35 Wiesflecker, ‘Türkenzug’, 164.
36 For Italy in Maximilians’s plans see Wiesflecker, , Maximilian, I 396-8Google Scholar; II (Munich 1975) (henceforth ‘Wiesflecker, Maximilian, II’). 9-26; 419-21; Maximilian, V 514-18; 766-7; H.Angermeier, Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Maximilian I. (RTA mittlere Reihe 5) Bd. I, Teil 1, Reichstagsakten von Worms 1495 (henceforth Angermeier, Worms) 25-9; 39; 42-6.
37 Freher, II 473-4.
38 Freher, II 474.
39 Freher, II 474; earlier however, at 473, Maynus says that Ludovico can be useful to Maximilian pro imperio redintegrando et amplificando.
40 Freher, II 474. ‘Savage jaws’ belongs to the realm of immanitas, identified by Hankins, J. as a recurring theme in Renaissance descriptions of Turks, ‘Renaissance crusaders: humanist crusade literature in the age of Mehmed II’, DOP (1995) 111–207 Google Scholar at 122 and n. 28; 131. For a comparable description of western enemies of Maximilian see above, p. 233.
41 Communication between Austria and Italy was not slow: Maynus seems to have promised Cardinal Peraudi a fair copy of his speech, presumably in Innsbruck around 16th March. On 8th April Peraudi sent him a reminder from Verona (Freher, II 475).
42 Knowing when the texts of the poem in BR were copied would give a terminus ad quern for its composition, thus providing a date by which Maximilian had become for Marullus a possible liberator. Enenkel’s (unexplained) dating of the ‘Niederschrift der Handschriften des 3. Buches’ as ‘jedenfalls vor Ende 1494’ (‘Todessehnsucht’ 421) is compatible with the date for E 3.47 proposed above. Perosa however thinks the poem is ‘early’ (above, n. 26) and places the date of presentation to Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco of the whole ‘libro a sé stante’, which was to become Epigrammata III in c, between summer 1489 and April 1492, ‘Studi’ 137 (= Stud. fil. untan. III 212).
43 E 4.32.1, inviate, Magni, rex, Caroli genus.
44 E 4.34.5-6; 71-4. In ‘Studi’ 134 and 141 (= Studi, fil. uman. III 210 and 215) Perosa puts Marullus’s departure in the spring of 1494.
45 Mallett, M., ‘Personalities and pressures: Italian involvement in the French invasion of 1494’, in Abulafia, D., ed., The French descent into Renaissance Italy 1494-95. Antecedents and effects (Aldershot 1995) 151-63 at 155Google Scholar.
46 For these and their secretary Zenobio Acciaiuoli (E 1. 54.2; 3.20 bis) see Plaisance, M., ‘L’invenzione della croce de Lorenzo de’ Medici (1463-1503) et le mythe du second Charlemagne’ (henceforth Plaisance, ‘Second Charlemagne’) in Ballestero, M. et al., Culture et religion en Espagne et en Italie aux XVe et XVIe siècles (Abbeville 1980) 43–66 at 45-53Google Scholar; McGann, ‘Spartanus’ 198.
47 Setton, K.M., The Papacy and the Levant (1204-1571) II (Philadelphia 1978) 413-16Google Scholar; cf. III (Philadelphia 1984) 177 for Leo X’s proposals in 1517.
48 For an analysis of the complications of Maximilian’s attitude to France at this time see Angermeier, Worms, 26-7, and for a rather different view Wiesflecker, ‘Türkenzug’ 171-3; cf. also the mention of Maximilian in the scenario put before Commynes by the Venetian doge as late as November 1495, below pp. 242-43. The conclusion of an armistice brokered by the French in spring 1495 between Wladislaw II of Hungary and the Ottomans (Angermeier, Worms, nos. 297-8, pp. 317-19) was a blow to Maximilian’s immediate plans for a Turkish campaign and to any slight hope that he may still have had of collaborating with Charles against the Ottomans. (For his plans see his call to Christendom made in Antwerp on 15 November 1494 to announce a Türkenzug in the following March, Angermeier, Worms, no. 10, p. 108.) By 1496 Maximilian himself was an adherent of the armistice: whether representing the empire or only certain Hauslande is unclear, Angermeier, Worms, p. 317, n. 2.
49 Wiesflecker, ‘Türkenzug’, 171-3.
50 Fur, D. Le, Charles VIII (Paris 2006) (henceforth Le Fur, Charles) 255-6Google Scholar and 425, citing ‘Le Fur (D.), Les impérants rois (1996) p. 150 et suiv.’, a work not noticed in his bibliography. The reference appears to be to a Paris Ouest (Nanterre) thesis entitled Les impérants rois. Images des rois de France pendant les premières guerres d’Italie. Cf. also Ugolino Verino’s dedication of his Caritas, which brings together Louis, Charles and hopes of a crusade, Thurn, N. (ed.), Caritas: ein Epos des 15. Jahrhunderts (Munich 1955)Google Scholar (henceforth Verino, Caritas) 135, lines 9-22, with doubts at p. 14.
51 See the next paragraph.
52 Le Fur, Charles 280-92, particularly 284-6. The prophecy with commentary is in Paris, B.N.Fonds français 1713. See also Plaisance, ‘Second Charlemagne’, 53-66; Weinstein, D., Savonarola and Florence. Prophecy and Patriotism in the Renaissance (Princeton 1970)Google Scholar (henceforth, Weinstein, Savonarola) passim.
53 Le Fur, Charles 287.
54 See above pp. 235-36; n. 44.
55 There is also E 4.26, which shows the poet as a newcomer at court.
56 Above n. 43. Cf. Verino’s dedication to Charles, Carlias 135, lines 16-17. On the other hand Sanuto reports that in an address to Florentine ambassadors Maximilian said that everyone knew Charles was not descended de linea Caroli Magni, sed ex Ugone Capeto invasore regni Franciae and that the king of England was the true king of France, Sanuto, I Diarii di Marino Sanuto, I (Venice 1879-1902) col. 250. Maximilian could claim that the regalia used in the coronation of the German emperor had come down from Charlemagne; cf. R. Bauer, ‘Zur Geschichte der sizilischen Gewänder, später Krönungsgewänder der Könige und Kaiser des Heiligen Römischen Reiches’ and Th.|Schwinger, A., ‘Verständnis und Missverständnis, Interpretation und Missinterpretation: zur Rezeptionsgeschichte des Krönungsornats der Könige und Kaiser des Heiligen Römischen Reiches’ in Seipel, W., Nobiles Officinae. Ausstellungskatalog des Kunsthistorischen Museums Wien (Vienna 2004) 84–95 Google Scholar and 96-107 respectively, especially Schwinger 97-9.
57 This is how Horace’s call for ‘Augustan’ reforms at c.3.6.1-4 should be read. Contrast Kiessling, A. and Heinze, R., Q. Horatius Flaccus, Oden und Epoden 8(Berlin 1955) 288-9Google Scholar.
58 The misfortunes of the fleet contrasted with the good weather enjoyed by the king as he marched south; cf. Ser Tommaso di Silvestro, Diarii, ed. L. Fumi, RIS 15.5.2.34-5.
59 A glancing reference perhaps to the Epicurean command λάθε βιώσας.
60 For Commynes’s difficulties in Venice see Dufournet, Jean, La Vie de Philippe de Commynes (Paris 1969) 201-13Google Scholar; 219-35; 256-60.
61 dei Conti, Storie, II 439-44.
62 Although the treaty was said to be ad christiani orbis et ltaliae praesertim pacem ineundam confirman-damque (dei Conti, Storie II 440) and Leonello does not put Charles outside the pale ( ‘rulers who are not in the League will want to share in its glory, especially Charles, who has for long been committed to an expedition against the Turks and is now [being in Naples!] closer to them and all the more ready to become a crusader [443]’), he was its target. For secret clauses threatening the existence of France see Wiesflecker, H., ‘Der Italienzug König Maximilians I. im Jahre 1496’, Carinthia I 146 (1956) 581–619 Google Scholar (henceforth Wiesflecker, ‘Italienzug’) at 590; a conspectus of opinions on the question is offered by Angermeier, Worms, 196, n. 1.
63 But see the next paragraph for a possible hint at the threat posed by Maximilian.
64 c. 2.1.7-8, incedis per ignes / subpositos cineri doloso (‘you make your way through fire lying beneath treacherous ash’); cf. Propertius 1.5.4.
65 There is one more reflection in Marullus’s poetry of his involvement with the calata - his rewriting of E 3.37.39. As this involves some rather detailed discussion of sources, I have placed it in an appendix.
66 de Vries, Joyce, Caterina Sforza and the art of appearances. Gender, art and culture in early modern Italy (Farnham 2010) 51-3Google Scholar; 192-3.
67 There are only two other mentions of Genoa in Marullus, both referring to defeats it suffered: E 1.48.17; 3.3.16 (in BR).
68 Mémoires de Philippe de Camines, edites Calmene, par Joseph, III (Paris 1924) (henceforth Commynes, III) 31 Google Scholar; Labande-Mailfert, Y., Charles VIII et son milieu, 1470-98: la jeunesse au pouvoir (Paris 1975) (henceforth Labande-Mailfert) 241 Google Scholar; 243; 253; 259; 260-1.
69 For the role of naval operations and Genoese facilities in Maximilian’s strategy in 1496 see Weisflecker, , ‘Italienzug’, 597, 599–600 Google Scholar.
70 M. J. McGann, ‘1453’, 148-50.
71 Bihrer (to whom I am grateful for leading me to look more closely at the sources), ‘Exil’ 24-5 and nn. 66-8, citing at n. 68 Mertens, Dieter, ‘Europäischer Friede und Türkenkrieg im Spätmittelalter’, in Duchhardt, Heinz, ed., Zwischenstaatliche Friedenswahrung in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit (Cologne 1991) 45–90 Google Scholar at 78-83. The view that Charles’s crusading statements were ‘pure propaganda’ had some contemporary support (Commynes comments that his declarations about attacking the Turks were lies that could not deceive God, III 249; de’ Conti however allowed for change in the king’s intentions: he abandoned ‘all thought of war with the Turks, particularly after the death of the Ottoman Zizimus’ [the pretender Cem Pasha, who died in February 1495] and devoted his efforts to obtaining totius Italiae imperium, Storie, II 111-12), but a more nuanced approach seems demanded of the historian to-day; cf. Mertens, who with reference to Maximilian recommends the avoidance of ‘unangemessene Beurteilungskategorien (‘Schwindel oder nicht Schwindel’)’, 84, n. 142; cf. also Müller, J.-D., Gedechtnus: Literatur und Hofgesellschaft um Maximilian I. (Munich 1982) 288 Google Scholar, n. 53; 374, n. 13. In any case, irrespective of plans for a crusade, the importance of Genoa to Charles lasted as long as he maintained an interest in Italy.
72 Commynes, III 52-4; Delaborde, H.-F., L’expédition de Charles VIII en Italie (Paris 1888), 657 Google Scholar.
73 Commynes, III 242-3.
74 Commynes, III 249. Cf. Charles’s concern in 1495 for those staying behind, his disposition of forces as he left Italy and his insistence in 1498 on holding on to Apulia, possibly as a base for a crusade, Labande-Mailfert, 446; 539.
75 Commynes, III 273-7; 277-81; 303.
76 Linder, A., ‘An unpublished ‘Pronosticatio’ on the return of Charles VIII to Italy’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 47 (1984) (henceforth Linder, ‘Pronosticatio’) 200-3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
77 Diario Ferrarese, ed. Pardi, G., RIS 24.7,1 (Bologna 1920) (henceforth Pardi), pp. 353-8Google Scholar.
78 Pardi, 159, and, for some qualification of the diarist’s pan-Italian enthusiasm, n. 5.
79 Commynes, III 277-9.
80 Above, p. 237.
81 Commynes, III 309. See also Weinstein, Savonarola, 278-81.
82 Lunetta, L. (ed.), Angelo da Vallombrosa, Lettere (Florence 1997) letter 1, pp. 7–9, 11Google Scholar.
83 Reeves, M., The influence of prophecy in the later Middle Ages: a study of Joachimism (Oxford 1969, repr. Notre Dame 1993) 355-7Google Scholar; Weinstein, Savonarola, 175 and nn. 61 and 62.
84 Dain, A., Charles VIII et les Italiens: Histoire et Mythe (Geneva 1979) 127 Google Scholar.
85 Linder, ‘Pronoscitatio’, 201.
86 N 4.45-8. It would have been open to Bihrer to invoke the unfinished state of the Institutiones principales as indicating a breach between Marullus and Charles in the course of 1495, but in the absence of evidence supporting such a breach it seems best to connect the abandonment of the poem with the prince’s death on 6 December 1495.
87 Above, p. 239. The rex Optimus of N 2.79-80 may be Ferrandino.
88 Cf. McGann, , ‘The Medicean dedications of Books 1-3 of the Hymni Naturales of Michael Marullus’ Res publica litterarum 3 (1980) 87–90 Google Scholar.
89 See Macchiaroli, G. et al., Antonello Sanseverino: dalla discesa di Carlo VIII alla capitolazione del 1497 (Naples 1999)Google Scholar.
90 ‘Exil’, 25.
91 Above, pp. 230-1.
92 Apparently I was the first to identify Longo’s presence in the poem (Haskell, ‘Tristia’, 115-16; Bihrer, ‘Exil’, 23). Without the help of BR’s Ligurum I doubt if I would have made the connection. (An indication of the lack of specificity of these lines is that I originally thought that the dux of 45-6 was the emperor himself, to be distinguished from the miles of 41-4, McGann, ‘1453’, 148.)
93 Thus in describing the pun as ‘deutlich’ Bihrer appears to underestimate his own Scharfsinnigkeit!