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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 December 2011
The royal election of 1697 is a topic of Polish history that has enjoyed greater popularity with foreign than with native historians: the quantity of German contributions to the subject is exceeded only by the output of French chroniclers and researchers That this should be so is understandable. The German writers have examined the elevation of an Elector of Saxony to the Polish throne, the French have studied the defeat of a Bourbon prince, but neither group has showed any interest in the part played by Russia in this double process. Polish scholars have paid only incidental attention to it and expressed widely divergent views of its significance. Jarochowski, writing a century ago, states categorically that ‘a hundred years before the last partition Poland had morally lost her independence. First the Austrian and French, next the Russian and Prussian ambassadors usurped that power which the nation denied to its own kings’. Szujski, in a work published ten years later, outbids Jarochowski and speaks of a de facto renunciation of political independence; Bobrzyński, the leading historian of the next generation, merely notes that the year 1697 marked the end of French influence in Poland. In more recent times K. Piwarski referred to the interregnum between the death of John Sobieski and the election of Augustus II as ‘the last in which the nation was still free to settle its own fate’, while W. Konopczyński discerned in it ‘a fact hitherto unprecedented in a Polish election and pregnant with consequences, the fact of Russian intimidation”.
2 See Haake, P, ‘Die Wahl Augusts des Starken zum Konig von Polen’, Historische Vierteljahrschrift (1906), pp 31–84Google Scholar Bibliography on p 31 Cf von Heigel, K T, ‘Die Beziehungen des Kurfursten Max Emmanuel von Bayern zu Polen, 1694–1697’, in his Quellen und Abhandlungen zur neueren Geschichte Bayerns (Munich, 1884), pp 51–90Google Scholar, Helbig, K G, ‘Polnische Wirtschaft und franzosische Diplomatic, 1692–1697’, Historische Zeitschrift, I (1859), pp 380–423Google Scholar; Hiltebrandt, P., ‘Die polnische Konigswahl 1697 und die Konversion Augusts des Starken’, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, X (1907), pp 152–215Google Scholar; Scheller—Steinwartz, R, ‘Polen und die Konigswahl von 1697’, Zeitschrift fur Osteuropaische Geschichte, II (1912), pp 481–556Google Scholar, Schulte, A, Markgraf Ludwig Wilhelm von Baden und der Reichskrieg gegen Frankreich 1693–1697 (2 vols, Karlsruhe, 1892)Google Scholar, passim I have been unable to consult Flathe, T, Die Verhandlungen uber die dem Kurfurst Fridrich August angebotene Thronfolge in Polen und der Geheime Legationsrath von Essen (Meissen, 1870)Google Scholar, Hassel, P., ‘Die Genesis der Bewerbung des Kurfursten Friedrich August von Sachsen um die Krone Polens’, Jahresbericht des Koniglich-Sachsischen Altertumsvereins (1895/1896)Google Scholar, Hubner Die polmsche Thronkandidatur des Prinzen Conti
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10 ‘Diariusz prawdziwy bo bez imienia autora wszystkich rzeczy i dziejów, które w Polsce się działy od śmierci Jana III…, aż do obrania Augusta II …’ in Rogalski, L., Dzieje jana III Sobieskiego (Warsaw, 1847), pp. 412–515.Google Scholar K. Piwarski, op. cit. p. 193, tentatively attributes it to J. S. Jabłonowski.
11 The ancient and present state of Poland… To which is now added An Impartial Account… (London, 1697), p. 21.
12 Golikov, Ustryalov, the editors of Pamyatniki diplomaticheskikh snoshenyi and Sbornik Imp[eratorskogo] Russ[kogo] Istor[icheskogo] Obshch[estva], all referred to below.
13 S. M. Solov'ev, Istoriya Rossii, 2nd ed., xiv, cols. 1169, 1170.
14 Sass, C., ‘The election campaign in Poland in the years 1696–1697’, Journal of Central European Affairs (July, 1952), pp. 111–27.Google Scholar
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17 Sbornik pisem i memorialov Leibniza otnosyashchikhsya k Rossii i Petru Velikomu, ed. Guerrier, V. [Ger'e] (St Petersburg, 1873), p. 25, no. 17.Google Scholar
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19 Lettres, Instructions et Mémoires de Colbert, ed Clément, P., II, pt. 1 (Paris, 1863), p. ccxviiiGoogle Scholar
20 11 June 1696–17 Feb. 1700 Bittner, L and Gross, L., Repertorium der diplomatischen Vertreter aller Lander seit 1648 (Oldenburg I.O, 1936), p. 443.Google Scholar
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22 Załuski, op. cit. p. 160.
23 See Martens, F., Recued des Traités et Conventions conclus par la Russie…, I, Traités avec l'Autriche, 1648–1762 (St Petersburg, 1874), no. 2, pp 13–20Google Scholar
24 Bogoslovsky, M. M., Petr I, Materialy dlya biografii, ed. Lebedev, V. I, I (Ogiz, 1940), pp 375 376.Google ScholarRazryad here means a military command (p. 421).
25 The Cambridge History of Poland to 1696 (Cambridge, 1950), p. 489.Google Scholar
26 For Radziejowski see Hassinger, E., Brandenburg-Preussen, Russland und Schweden, 1700–1713 (Munich, 1953), pp. 24–5, 37ff. i64ff., Ks.Google ScholarKorytkowski, J., Arcybiskupi gnieźnieńscy, prymasowie i metropolici polscy…, IV (Poznań, 1891), pp. 336–9.Google Scholar
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28 Piwarski, K., ‘Opozycja litewska pod koniec XVII w.’ in Pamięetnik V Powszechnego Zjazdu Historyków Polskich w Warszawie (Lwów, 1930), pp. 259–77, 263.Google Scholar
29 A[rchives du Ministère des Affaires] É[trangères). Corr[espondance] polit[ique.] Pologne, vol. 92, Polignac to the King, 14 March 1696.
30 Cf. note 3.
31 [Mémoires de] Saint-Simon, ed. Boislisle, A. de, XIII (Paris, 1897), pp. 211–15.Google Scholar Cf. M. Langlois, ‘Saint-Simon historien’, Revue historique, CLVIII, pp. 81–107.
32 Saint-Simon, IV (1884), p. 205.Google Scholar
33 Ustryalov, N., Istoriya tsarstvovaniya Petra Velikogo, III (St Petersburg, 1858), p. 45.Google Scholar
34 A.É. Corr. polit. Pologne, vol. 93, Polignac to the King, 28 Dec. 1696.
35 Schmourlo, E., Recueil de documents relatifs au règne de l'Empereur Pierre le Grand, I, 1693–1700 (Youriev/Dorpat, 1903), p. 172, no. 203.Google Scholar
36 ‘de trois livres’.
37 A.É. Corr. polit. Pologne, vol. 97, fos. 49 ff, ChSteauneuf's accounts. He and Polignac received from the king I,499,103 livres and distributed 2,123,679. The deficit was covered by advances from French merchants, the primate and other Polish supporters.
38 Sapiehowie. Materiały historyczno-genealogiczne i majątkowe…, II (St Petersburg, 1891), pp. 186, 414Google Scholar; ‘Diariusz prawdziwy…’, p. 455.
39 Ibid. pp. 489, 494.
40 François de Castagner de Châteauneuf, envoy extraordinary 30 April 1697–18 June 1699. Bittner and Gross, op. cit. p. 230.
41 A.É. Corr. polit. Pologne, vol. 96, fos. 284ff., Polignac's retort to the critics of his mission.
42 Bèthune to Pomponne, i Feb. 1677, cit. Picavet, C.-G., La diplomatic française au temps de Louis XIV (Paris, 1930), p. 205.Google Scholar Review by Zeller, G. in Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine, VI (1931), pp 124–43.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
43 Cf. n. 37.
44 Cf. n. 29.
45 Ustryalov, op. cit. p. 48.
46 Saint-Simon, IV (1884), p. 134, n. 3.Google Scholar
47 La Bizardière, op. cit. p. 97. The bishop of Cracow, J. Małachowski, did in fact die in 1697 and was succeeded by Dąmbski in 1699.
48 Teka Gabriela Junoszy Podoskiego, ed. Jarochowski, K., I (Poznań, 1854)Google Scholar, ‘Censura candidaturae z narodu francuskiego, R.P.…od S. Lubomirskiego…podana’, p. 41.
49 A.É. Corr. polit. Pologne, vol. 97, Polignac to the King, 14 June 1697.
50 Ustryalov, op. cit. p. 52. During the election Peter stopped at Königsberg and at Pilau.
51 Text in Pis'ma i bumagi Imperatora Petra Velikogo, I [1699–1701], (St Petersburg, 1887), no. 166, pp. 163–5.Google Scholar Cf. ibid. p. 630.
52 Ustryalov, op. cit. pp. 48, 49.
53 Ibid. pp. 50, 51. One such copy has been preserved in A.É. Corr. polit., Russie, Supplément, vol. 2, fos. 8–10.
54 Text in Pis'ma i bumagi…, no. 169, pp. I72ff. Cf. ibid. p. 630.
55 Cf. nn. 2, 3 and 9.
56 ‘Vexilla’ For a detailed description of the procedure at royal elections see Gloger, Z., Encyklopedia staropolska, vols. I and II (Warsaw, 1900)Google Scholar, under Elekcyjność i elekcje królów.
57 Leopold Joseph, Duke of Lorraine and Bar; Johann Wilhelm, Prince of Pfalz-Neuburg, Elector Palatine.
58 La Bizardière, op. cit. p. 160.
59 Haake, op. cit. p. 66. The party included Augustus's Jewish banker, Lehmann. For his activities see the exhaustive study by Schnee, H., ‘Der Finanzier und Resident Behrend Lehmann als Typ eines Hoffaktors imSystem des absoluten Fürstenstaates’, Weltals Geschichte, IV (1953), pp. 221–45Google Scholar; also Lehmann, E., Der polnische Resident Berend Lehmann… (Dresden, 1885).Google Scholar
60 A.É. Corr. polit. Pologne, vol. 95, Châteauneuf to the King, 28 June 1697; Polignac to the King, 15 July 1697; La Bizardière, op. cit. pp. 162–6.
61 Polignac (loc cit) maintains that Conti received between two-thirds and three-quarters of the votes Châteauneuf (loc cit) puts their total number at 150,000, Polignac at 100,000 (A E Corr polit. Pologne, vol 97, copy of his letter to Cardinal de Bouillon, 23 July 1697). The papal nuncio, Davia, confirms Polignac's figure, but reverses its distribution 185 ‘companies’for Augustus and seventy-three for Conti (A É Corr polit Pologne, vol 97, intercept of a report dated 27 June) A trustworthy eighteenth-century memorialist states that Conti was the choice of the majority (Pamiętniki M Matuszewicza, 1714–1765, ed. Pawmski, A., I (Warsaw, 1876), p 22)Google Scholar, Konopczynski, W. inclines to the same view (‘Feldmarszalek Flemming’, Roczniki Historyczne, XVIII (Poznań, 1949), pp 163–80, 165)Google Scholar
62 Theiner, A., Geschichte der Zuruckkehr der regierenden Hauser von Braunschweig und Sachsen in den Schooss der katholischen Kirche (Einsiedeln, 1843), p 109, n 5Google Scholar The document referred to, ‘Denuntiatio regis noviter electi’, is not ‘Das Wahlinstrument’ but only a declaration Cf Hiltebrandt, op cit p. 163, n 3.
63 Suffragia Woiewództw y Ziem Koronnych y W X. Litewskiego Zgodnie na Nayiaśnieyszego Augusta II, dane, iedne własnymi Elektorów rękámi, drugie Pułkowników y Rotmistrzów Podpisane The wording of this heading makes Szujski (op cit p. 156) suspect that many of the signatures were forged
64 Ustryalov, op cit p 51.
65 Ibid pp 52, 53.
66 Golikov, op cit p 346.
67 Korolyuk, op. cit. p. 201; Golikov, op. cit. p. 306.
68 Pamyatniki diplomaticheskikh snoshenyi drenvey Rossii s derzhavami inostrannymi. Pamyatniki diplom. snosh. s Rimskoyu Imperieyu, VIII (St Petersburg, 1867)Google Scholar, col. 885, 14 July, O.S.
69 Obwiessczenie do poparcia wolnej elekcji Roku Pańskiego 1697 (Warszawa, 15 July 1697).
70 La Bizardiére, op. cit. p. 204.
71 A.É. Corr. polit. Pologne, vol. 97, Polignac to the King, 29 July 1697.
72 Ibid. Châteauneuf to the King, 12 Aug. 1697.
73 Korolyuk, op. cit. p. 200.
74 Pamyatniki, VIII, col. 896.
75 Ibid. cols. 899–901, 16/26 July.
76 Ibid cols 901–3, 16/26 July Olmer, E., ‘Sveriges forhållande till konungvalet in Polen, 1697’, Historisk Tidskrift, XX (1900), pp. 249–87Google Scholar, makes no reference to Russia
77 Pamyatniki, cols 935–6, 955–9
78 La Bizardière, op cit. pp. 205–9.
79 A constitutionally recognized fronde See Rokosz Zebrzydowskiego, mat hist Poprzedzone rozprauą Konfederacja i Rokosz ed. Rembowski, A (Warsaw, 1893, Bibl. Ordynacji Krasińskich, Muzeum K S Świdzińskiego IX—), pp. 283–96Google Scholar
80 Rokosz Generality ku obronie wiary swiétej katolickiej i zaszczytu wolności uczyniony na poparciu elekcjej (Warsaw, 26 Aug. 1697).
81 Due de la Force, op cit p 170; P. Paul, op cit p. 75; Saint-Simon, IV, p 197.
82 Korolyuk, op cit p. 206
83 La Bizardière, op. cit pp 218, 221, 226, 232
84 Pamyatniki, cols 959–62, cf. Sbornik Imp. Russ. Istor. Obshch. XX (St Petersburg, 1877). pp. 1–10.Google Scholar
85 Pamyatmki.., cols. 962–7, 969–76, 1003–10, 1018–23; Sbornik., pp. 12, 13
86 Text in Pamyatmki., cols. 1023–4 a nd in Sbornik., pp 10, 11.
87 Pamyatmki, col. 1076.
88 Sbornik, pp 20, 21; Pamyatmki., cols 1075–84, 1086–90, 1111–15
89 A É Corr polit. Pologne, vol 98, Sapieha to Conti, 8 Oct 1697.
90 The rate of exchange appears to have been roughly ‘2 livres de chelongs’, 1 e złotych polskich w szelągach (zlotys of copper currency) to 1 livre (Polignac's memorandum, point 25; cf n 41).
91 A É Corr polit. Pologne, vol 98, Conti to the King, 11 Oct 1697
92 A É;. Corr polit. Suède, vol 83, the King to d'Avaux, 31 Oct 1697
93 Ibid d'Avaux to the King, 12 Nov. 1697. Cf. Negociations de Monsieur le comte d'Avaux pendant les années 1693, 1697, 1698, ed Wynne, J. A. (Werken van det Histonsch Genootschap, n.s, no 36 (Utrecht, 1883)), pp 92, 93.Google Scholar
94 A high military officer responsible for the security of the frontier.
95 La Bizardière, op. cit. p. 235.
96 Ibid. p. 239. Cf. A.É. Corr. polit. Pologne, vol. 98, Radziejowski to Châteauneuf, 18 Oct. 1697.
97 La Bizardière, op. cit. pp. 242–3, 246.
98 Ibid. pp. 246–7.
99 Ibid. p. 249.
100 A.É. Corr. polit. Pologne, vol. 98, copy of letter from K. J. Sapieha to Conti, n.d., fo. 246.
101 La Bizardière, op. cit. p. 248.
102 Ibid. pp. 250, 256, 258.
103 Saint-Simon, XVIII (1903), pp. 120–40.Google Scholar
104 Madaillan de Lasparre, marquis de Lassay, Recueil de différentes choses, pt. 2 (Lausanne, 1756), pp. 142–3.Google Scholar
105 Cf. n. 100.
106 Pamyatniki…, cols. 1103–6.
107 Schmourlo, op. cit. Davia's report of 16 July 1697, pp. 359, 360.
108 Sapiehowie, pp. 186, 188, 189, 413, 420. The towns, villages and estates affected were: Dombrowna or Dubrowy (on the Berezina), Czereja (in the district of Orsha), Horki, Bychów (both in the region of Mogilev), Czaszniki (in the palatinate of Vitebsk), Kopys (near Orsha), Szkudy (Germ. Schoden, in Samogitia).
109 Its official strength was 60,000 (Sbornik…, pp. 1, 9 ); the papal nuncio in his report of 16 July speaks of 40,000 (Schmourlo, op. cit.).
110 E. A. Belov, ‘Moskovskie smuty v kontse XVII v.', Zhurnal Min. Nar. Prosvesch. Jan. pp. 99–146; Feb. pp. 319–66; Feb. p. 361; Bogoslovsky, op. cit. III (1946), pp. 30–3; J. G. Korb, Diarium Itineris in Moscoviam Domini I.C.De Guarient & Rall…Anno MDCXCVIII… (Vienna, n.d.), pp. 158ff. The average strength of a regiment of strel'tsy seems to have been about 670, four regiments would therefore amount to about 2680 (see Brix, K., Geschichte der alten russischen Heeres-Einrichtungen… (Berlin, 1867), pp. 257, 258).Google Scholar
111 According to Nikitin Przebendowski had succeeded in persuading the king to procure the services of 20,000 Tartar troops, but in the end Augustus refused to sanction the agreement concluded on his behalf by S. Potocki, grand strażnik of Poland, because he considered the price asked by the khan exorbitant. Ustryalov, op. cit. p. 85.
112 Ibid. loc. cit.
113 Ibid. pp. 85 n. 60 and 640–42.
114 A.É. Corr. polit. Pologne, vol. 98, fo. 318, copy of an Italian report dated 3 Dec. 1697 addressed to Cardinal Barberini.
115 K. Piwarski, Hieronim Lubomirski, p. 78 n. 1.
116 Korolyuk, op. cit. p. 215.
117 ‘Podsędek trocki’ in the palatinate of Troki, i.e. assistant to the iudex terrestris. See Suffragia Woiewództzv under woj. trockie. For his activities in Moscow see also Korb, op. cit. passim.
118 Korolyuk, op. cit. p. 217.
119 ‘Imenno blagodariya etim meram…udalos'…izbezhat’ krovavoy grazhdanskoy voyny’…, ibid. p. 214.
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122 Cf. n. 118.
123 ‘…our firm action for t he common good prevented the prince de Conti already elected by a part of the Republic from taking possession of the Polish crown. Even before the conclusion of our alliance with Augustus and before his arrival in Poland, our numerous armies were offered to the Polish senators and later put under the king's command to enable him to overcome his opponents. In addition, we threatened them with fire and sword and compelled them to recognize h im as king and so, with our help he was firmly established on his throne.’ Pis'ma i bumagi, V (St Petersburg, 1907), no. 1690Google Scholar, ‘Gramota k Rimskomu Imperatoru Iosify II’, of 27 April [O.S.] 1707. Cf. ibid. nos. 1691, 1692, 1693 and pp. 614, 618. Text on pp. 210ff.
124 Korolyuk, op. cit. p. 218.
125 For the attitude of French financiers to Conti's expedition see Saint-Simon, IV (1884), pp. 189Google Scholar, 190; Martin, G., L'Histoire du crédit en France sous le règne de Louis XIV (Paris, 1913), pp. 178–85.Google Scholar
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127 Bogoslovsky…, op. cit. II, pp. 556ff.
128 Korb, op. cit. p. 74.