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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 13 September 2019
In 1900, the soprano Jeanne Hatto recorded a scene from Gluck's 1779 opera Iphigénie en Tauride for the Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre, an exhibit at the Paris Exposition Universelle that screened silent films manually synchronised with cylinder recordings. Recently restored and digitised by the Cinémathèque Française and the Gaumont Pathé Archives, Hatto's film affords us a glimpse into the revitalising force ascribed to female performers around the turn of the century: the ability to bring ancient statues – and antiquity itself – to life through physical movement. Through their embodiment of ancient Greek figures on stage and in visions animées, prima donnas laid claim to a form of corporeal authority that had all but disappeared from the French stage over the preceding century.
Sarah Fuchs, Syracuse University, New York, USA; sefuchss@syr.edu.
I would like to thank Melina Esse, Roger Freitas, Ralph Locke, the editors of this journal and the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this article. In addition, I would like to acknowledge Agnès Bertola, Henri Chamoux and Bob Hodge for their generous assistance in accessing copies of the film and sound recording Jeanne Hatto made for the Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre.
1 For more detailed accounts of this exhibit, see Meusy, Jean-Jacques, Paris-Palaces ou le temps des cinémas (1894–1918) (Paris, 1995)Google Scholar, Pisano, Giusy, Une Archéologie du cinéma sonore (Paris, 2004)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Toulet, Emmanuelle, ‘Le Cinéma à l'Exposition universelle de 1900’, Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 33 (1986), 179–209CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 Mannoni, Laurent, ‘Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre’, in Le giornate del cinema muto: Catalogo, ed. Surowiec, Catherine A. (Pordenone, 2012), 26Google Scholar.
3 The exhibit initially used Henri Lioret's ‘Idéal’ phonograph to record and play back performers’ voices, but switched to Pathé Frères' ‘Celeste’ phonograph in the autumn of 1900. Mannoni, ‘Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre’, 26.
4 Toulet, ‘Le Cinéma à l'Exposition universelle de 1900’, 26.
5 In September, for example, Le Gaulois announced the ‘sensational debut’ of a synchronised sound film made by the actress Gabrielle Réjane: ‘Hier, il y avait un début sensationnel rue de Paris. Mme Réjane paraissait pour la première fois au Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre. C’était pour moi une excellente occasion de retourner dans la ravissante bonbonnière de la rue de Paris (pont des Invalides).’ P.R., Le Gaulois (9 September 1900), 2. The first ‘vendredi de gala’ took place on 8 June 1900. ‘Le Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre’, Le Figaro (8 June 1900), 2.
6 In an undated letter addressed to an unidentified ‘Madame’ (possibly Vrignault), Hatto apologises for being unable to perform the next day (a Friday) due to exhaustion and a lack of access to her costume. Hatto further indicates that she has told M. Baduel (likely the same M. Baduel who managed a travelling theatrical company and who had overseen the performances given at the Théâtre-Antique d'Orange since 1899) to relay her news to M. Emile Cossira, who performed the role of Pylade alongside Hatto's Iphigenia at the Théâtre-Antique on 12 August 1900. This evidence suggests that Vrignault may have asked the soprano to make a synchronised sound film for the Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre – and participate in one of Vrignault's Friday-night soirées – just after her performance of the title role of Iphigénie en Tauride. Undated letter by Jeanne Hatto, Collection Henri Chamoux, www.phonobase.org/6599.html.
7 In 2012, the Cinémathèque Française and the Gaumont Pathé Archives restored Hatto's filmed performance of ‘Ô toi qui prolongeas mes jours’ and synchronised the film with its accompanying cylinder recording. To view the digitised and synchronised film held by the Gaumont Pathé Archives (Gaumont Pathé Archives 1900PCT 00008), it is necessary to register for an account (at www.gaumontpathearchives.com/index.php?urlaction=inscription) and then enter the following link: www.gaumontpathearchives.com/index.php?urlaction=doc&id_doc=275543&rang=2. Several Pathé Celeste cylinders of Hatto's sound recording remain extant: a copy in the Collection Henri Chamoux (a transfer of which is available on Chamoux's website, www.phonobase.org/6599.html); a copy held at the Maison de la Radio (a transfer of which is also available on Chamoux's website, www.phonobase.org/610.html); and an uncatalogued copy currently residing at the Diane and Arthur B. Belfer Audio Laboratory and Archive, Syracuse University, Syracuse NY.
8 Rachel Cowgill has examined the reception of Italian soprano Angelica Catalani's performances of ‘Attitudes with a Shawl’ in England in the early nineteenth century, arguing that the contradictory and often gendered reactions to Catalani's classical poses reveal tensions in how female performance was understood in English society. Gail Marshall discusses the ramifications of statuesque metaphors for women who performed on the English theatrical stage in the nineteenth century. Cowgill, , ‘“Attitudes with a Shawl”: Performance, Femininity, and Spectatorship at the Italian Opera in Early Nineteenth-Century London’, in The Arts of the Prima Donna in the Long Nineteenth Century, ed. Cowgill, Rachel and Poriss, Hilary (New York, 2012), 217–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Marshall, , Actresses on the Victorian Stage: Feminine Performance and the Galatea Myth (Cambridge, 1998)Google Scholar.
9 Delsarte, François, ‘Literary Remains of François Delsarte’, in Delsarte System of Oratory, Including the Complete Works of M. l'Abbe Delaumosne and Mme. Angelique Arnaud (Pupils of Delsarte) with the Literary Remains of François Delsarte, trans. Shaw, Frances A. and Alger, Abby L., 3rd edn (New York, 1887), 406Google Scholar. Around the turn of the nineteenth century, voice students at the Paris Conservatoire studied singing and – if considered especially talented – lyric declamation for grand opéra (or opéra, as it was increasingly described around the end of the century) or opéra comique (or both), classes that aimed to cultivate competencies in mise en scène, physical expression, dramatic characterisation and lyric diction needed for careers at the Opéra and the Opéra-Comique respectively. Hatto studied singing with tenor Victor Warot (1834–1906) between 1897 and 1899 and opéra comique with tenor Léon Achard (1831–1905) between 1898 and 1899, in addition to taking lessons in opéra with Giraudet. Paris, Archives Nationales (hereafter Pan) AJ/37/120–22.
10 As Giraudet writes in his introduction, ‘Del Sarte [sic] est aujourd'hui presque ignoré en France.’ Giraudet, , Mimique, physionomie et gestes: Méthode pratique d'après le système de F. Del Sarte pour servir à l'expression des sentiments (Paris, 1895), 3Google Scholar.
11 Mary Ann Smart has summarised this shift: ‘The notion of gesture as a language in itself, worthy of dictionary-like exegesis, was gradually replaced by research that signaled the awakening of more modern concerns, conceiving gesture as involuntary physiological response or as unconscious manifestation of psychic depth.’ Smart, , Mimomania: Music and Gesture in Nineteenth-Century Opera (Berkeley, 2004), 17CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Helen Greenwald, ‘Ars moriendi: Reflections on the Death of Mimì’, in The Arts of the Prima Donna in the Long Nineteenth Century, ed. Cowgill and Poriss, 177; Rutherford, Susan, The Prima Donna and Opera, 1815–1930 (Cambridge, 2006), 255–7Google Scholar.
12 In his dissertation, Benoît Gauthier similarly argues for the significance of eighteenth-century thought to Delsarte's method. Gauthier, ‘Édition critique de manuscrits de François Delsarte et examen de leur pertinence épistémologique dans la formation d'un corps scénique moderne’, (PhD diss., Université du Québec à Montréal, 2011). However, Gauthier suggests that Delsarte was less influenced by late eighteenth-century aesthetics of sensitivity than by earlier efforts to represent the passions in physical form.
13 Joseph R. Roach discusses Condillac's influence on one such critic – Denis Diderot – in his The Player's Passion: Studies in the Science of Acting (Ann Arbor, 1993). On the reception of Condillac's Traité in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Italy, see Lockhart, Ellen, Animation, Plasticity, and Music in Italy, 1770–1830 (Berkeley, 2017)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Rumph, Steven, ‘The Sense of Touch in ‘Don Giovanni’, Music & Letters 88 (2007), 561–88CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
14 As Diderot wrote, ‘tout son talent consiste non pas à sentir, comme vous le supposez, mais à rendre si scrupuleusement les signes extérieurs du sentiment’. Diderot, Denis, Le Paradoxe sur le comédien (1773–1777; Paris, 1830), 15Google Scholar.
15 According to Giraudet, ‘L'artiste ne doit pas, ne peut pas être un improvisateur. L'art dramatique est un art de réflexion, d'observation, de recherche, d'analyse, dont la synthèse se traduit dans sa plus grande puissance par l'expression mimique.’ Mimique, physionomie et gestes, 122.
16 Delsarte, ‘Literary Remains of François Delsarte’, 385.
17 Delsarte, ‘Literary Remains of François Delsarte’, 389.
18 Delsarte, ‘Literary Remains of François Delsarte’, 401–11.
19 Delsarte, ‘Literary Remains of François Delsarte’, 406.
20 Giraudet, Mimique, physionomie et gestes, 12.
21 ‘Protection du visage; lutte morale, contrainte; état réflectif; exaltation; expansion; calme, insignificance; véhémence; restriction; crainte, humilité.’ Giraudet, Mimique, physionomie et gestes, descriptions accompanying Plate 12.
22 ‘L'exaltation sera extrème avec le bras tout à fait élevé; contenue dans l’élévation un peu au-dessus du niveau de l’épaule, et moyenne dans l’élévation intermédiaire.’ Giraudet, Mimique, physionomie et gestes, 61.
23 Delsarte, ‘Literary Remains of François Delsarte’, 527.
24 Céline Frigau Manning, ‘Singer-Machines: Describing Italian Singers, 1800–1850’, The Opera Quarterly 28/3–4 (2012), 230–58. See also Roach, The Player's Passion.
25 Roach, , The Player's Passion. Wide-ranging discussions of the trope of the living statue include Kenneth Gross, The Dream of the Moving Statue (University Park, PA, 1992)Google Scholar, Hersey, George, Falling in Love with Statues: Artificial Humans from Pygmalion to the Present (Chicago, 2009)Google Scholar, and Stoichita, Victor, The Pygmalion Effect: From Ovid to Hitchcock, trans. Anderson, Alison (Chicago, 2008)Google Scholar.
26 Lockhart, Animation, Plasticity, and Music in Italy, 143–50 and 96–9.
27 Auguste de Villiers de l'Isle-Adam, Tomorrow's Eve, trans. Robert Martin Adams ([1886]; Urbana, 1982), 36, 40. On the sculptural references in Villiers's novel, see Lathers, Marie, ‘The Decadent Goddess: L'Eve future and the Vénus de Milo’, in Jeering Dreamers: Villiers de l'Isle-Adam's L'Eve future at Our Fin de siècle: A Collection of Essays, ed. Anzalone, John (Amsterdam, 1996), 47–66Google Scholar.
28 Villiers de l'Isle-Adam, Tomorrow's Eve, 41.
29 Villiers de l'Isle-Adam, Tomorrow's Eve, 34. Italics in the original.
30 Villiers de l'Isle-Adam, Tomorrow's Eve, 45.
31 Villiers de l'Isle-Adam, Tomorrow's Eve, 46.
32 Villiers de l'Isle-Adam, Tomorrow's Eve, 64. Italics in the original.
33 Villiers de l'Isle-Adam, Tomorrow's Eve, 131.
34 Hoffmann, E.T.A., ‘The Sand-Man’, in The Best Tales of Hoffmann, trans. Bealby, J.T., ed. Bleiler, E.F. (New York, 1967), 208Google Scholar. Italics in the original.
35 Hadlock, , Mad Loves: Women and Music in Offenbach's ‘Les Contes d'Hoffmann’ (Princeton, 2000), 79Google Scholar.
36 Hadlock, Mad Loves, 80.
37 Hadlock, Mad Loves, 81.
38 Hadlock, Mad Loves, 81.
39 Hadlock, Mad Loves, 81.
40 Marshall, Actresses on the Victorian Stage, especially 1–7. See also Richards, Jeffrey, The Ancient World on the Victorian and Edwardian Stage (New York, 2009)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, esp. ch. 3, ‘Living Greek Statues’.
41 Huyssen, Andreas, ‘Mass Culture as Woman: Modernism's Other’, in After the Great Divide: Modernism, Mass Culture, Postmodernism (Bloomington, 1986), 44–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Frank, Felicia Miller, The Mechanical Song: Women, Voice, and the Artificial in Nineteenth-Century French Narrative (Stanford, 1995)Google Scholar; Vincent, Patrick, The Romantic Poetess: European Culture, Politics and Gender: 1820–1840 (Durham, NH, 2004), 124Google Scholar.
42 On Gluck's efforts to revive classical culture, see Goldhill, Simon, Victorian Culture and Classical Antiquity: Art, Opera, Fiction, and the Proclamation of Modernity (Princeton, 2011), 91–2Google Scholar, as well as Staiger, Emil, ‘Glucks Bühnenkunst’, in Christoph Willibald Gluck und die Opernreform, ed. Hortschansky, Klaus (Darmstadt, 1989), 39–49Google Scholar.
43 On Berlioz's contributions to the resurrection of Gluck's reform operas, see Fauquet, Joël-Marie, ‘Berlioz and Gluck’, in The Cambridge Companion to Berlioz, ed. Bloom, Peter (Cambridge, 2000), 189–253Google Scholar. After retiring from the operatic stage in the 1830s, Delsarte devoted himself to pedagogy and publication, but he continued to perform in what he described as ‘historical concerts’ or ‘concerts of retrospective music’, which he organised as a means of advertising his new arrangements of early vocal music. Delsarte was well known for his interpretations of Gluck's operatic works; indeed, some biographical accounts located Delsarte – rather than Berlioz – at the centre of the composer's nineteenth-century revival. Published serially as the Archives du chant, Delsarte's editions featured piano-vocal versions of pieces written between the fourth and the eighteenth centuries, including many excerpts from Gluck's reform operas. See François [and Rosine] Delsarte, Archives du chant. Répertoire des chefs d'œuvre lyriques des XVIe, XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles accompagnés de chants du Moyen âge et precédés d'une riche collection de hymnes, proses et antiennes de l'Eglise disposées conformément au type harmonique consacré par les plus anciennes traditions, 3 vols (Paris, 1855–1864), VM7–2061 (1–3), Département de Musique, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris. Katharine Ellis discusses Delsarte's editions in her Interpreting the Musical Past: Early Music in Nineteenth-Century France (Oxford, 2005), 47–50.
44 ‘Sa pantomime … a la beauté d'un marbre ému, d'une sculpture qui se mettrait à vivre.’ Paul de Saint-Victor, ‘Théâtre-Lyrique: Orphée’, La Presse (27 November 1859).
45 ‘Je n'ai jamais rien vu, pas même Rachel, qui approchât de cette beauté plastique, et de cette liberté, dans le sentiment de l'antique. On ne sent là rien de voulu, rien de cherché, rien qui rappelle l’école. Elle m'a fait constamment penser aux plus beaux bas-reliefs et vases grecs.’ Marie d'Agoult, journal entry of 25 April 1861, quoted in Dupêchez, Charles, Marie d'Agoult, 1805–1876 (Paris, 1994), 264Google Scholar.
46 Willson, Flora, ‘Classic Staging: Pauline Viardot and the 1859 Orphée Revival’, Cambridge Opera Journal 22 (2010), 313CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
47 ‘les attitudes sculpturales’. Hector Berlioz, ‘Théâtre-Lyrique. Orphée, Guignol, Mme. Viardot, Gluck, un plagiat de Philidor. Fidelio’, Journal des débats (9 December 1859).
48 ‘le meilleur Orphée que nous ayons vu à Paris depuis Mme Viardot’, Henri de Curzon, Le Guide musical (23 January 1898), 79.
49 ‘Très grande, sa blanche tunique relevée jusqu'au-dessus du genoux, les jambes bien prises dans leurs bandelettes, les bras dégagés, c'est tout à fait le personnage que nous montrent les anciennes photographies ou gravures de Mme Viardot. Mme Bréma trouve d'ailleurs, sans avoir l'air de les chercher, des attitudes très simples, mais très nobles, qui font penser avec ravissement à certain bas-reliefs antiques.’ Curzon, Le Guide musical (23 January 1898), 79.
50 ‘pareille à une statue vivante de l'Elégie’. C., ‘Bruxelles: Théâtre Royal de la Monnaie’, Le Guide musical (1 November 1908), 701–2.
51 ‘ne se contente pas d’être belle et d'avoir des attitudes sculpturales … [e]lle a vraiment le feu sacré’. Ély-Edmond Grimard, ‘Théâtre-Lyrique: Iphigénie en Tauride, opéra en quatre actes, de Glück [sic]’, Les Annales politiques et littéraires (17 December 1899), 393.
52 ‘Combien plus proche des statues antiques nous apparaît la belle artiste qu'est Mme Jeanne Raunay. En des attitudes harmonieusement tristes, elle incarne successivement la douleur, l'effroi, l'horreur, que sa voix et son jeu expriment si bien.’ Xanrof, ‘Soirée Parisienne’, Le Radical (9 December 1899), 2.
53 ‘Nulle plus que cette cantatrice ne mérite le titre de tragédienne. Tragédienne, elle l'est par sa physionomie, par la tristesse pensive de son sourire, l'eurhythmie de ses gestes, qui, toujours émouvants, ne sont jamais emphatiques; elle l'est encore par l'art inné qu'elle a de se draper à l'instar des héroïnes éternelles sculptées sur un bas-relief grec.’ Delmas, ‘Rose Caron’, Musica 7/64 (January 1908), 3.
54 ‘Mlle Hatto est apparue comme une statue admirablement drapée dans un immense péplum blanc, que le vent faisait envoler avec rage, sublime, merveilleuse, épique; et sa voix, s’élevant dans les airs, s'est fait entendre jusqu'au dernier des auditeurs perché au sommet de l'amphithéâtre. Il semblait vraiment qu'elle fût la fille d'Agamemnon.’ Eugène d'Harcourt, cited in an unidentified press clipping conserved in the Dossier de l'artiste lyrique HATTO (Jeanne) at the Bibliothèque–Musée de l'Opéra.
55 The Winged Victory of Samothrace is currently catalogued in the Louvre's collection of sculptures as MA 2369, Musée du Louvre, Paris.
56 ‘Toute blanche, sacerdotale et auguste de robe, de gestes, d'accents, durant les trois premiers actes, elle s'est manifestée, toute rouge, à l'heure tragique du sacrifice. Dans sa suprême tenue, tandis que la brise un peu aiguë soulevait ses voiles et prêtait à sa robe flottante la souple architecture de l'incomparable victoire de Samothrace, elle a donné libre carrière à la jeune fougue de son talent facile et courageux. Quelle voix flexible et dorée, incassable et passant, comme en se jouant, de l'héroïsme à la douceur. Pour une artiste de vingt ans, la création d'un pur chef-d’œuvre, dans un théâtre aussi colossal, envahi d'auditeurs jusqu'aux places les plus aériennes, doit rester, sûrement, parmi les souvenirs qui ne s'oublient plus.’ ‘Au Théâtre Antique d'Orange’, Revue de Provence: Littéraire, artistique et historique 20 (August 1900), 174.
57 ‘Le style et le sentiment incomparables de cette jeune fille, le charme aisé et pur de sa voix de mystère, non moins que l'indicible beauté d'attitudes dont le vent multipliait encore la variété, dans l'eurythmie la plus pudiquement classique, ont donné, ce soir-là, aux huit mille spectateurs assemblés au Théâtre d'Orange, l'illusion de l'apparition même de la divine Hellas, éternellement renaissante des ruines.’ Paul Mariéton, ‘Les représentations du Théâtre d'Orange’, Le Théâtre (1 October 1900), 8.
58 ‘peut être considérée … la restauration d'un Pas grec, dont le peintre de vase a fixé un moment caractéristique’. Maurice Emmanuel, La Danse grecque antique d'après les monuments figurés (Paris, 1896), 157.
59 Samuel Dorf briefly discusses Maurice Emmanuel's research into ancient Greek dance in ‘Atossa's Dream: Yoking Music and Dance, Antiquity and Modernity in Maurice Emmanuel's Salamine (1929)’, Les Cahiers de la Société québécoise de recherche en musique, 13 (2012), 27–34. See also Guido, Laurent, ‘Rhythmic Bodies/Movies: Dance as Attraction in Early Film Culture’, in The Cinema of Attractions Reloaded, ed. Strauven, Wanda (Amsterdam, 2007), 140–56Google Scholar.
60 The original Diana of Gabii is currently catalogued in the Louvre's collection of sculptures as MA 529, Musée du Louvre, Paris.
61 On this ongoing controversy, see the following newspaper clippings: ‘À la rue de Paris’, La République (14 September 1900), 2; ‘Les concessionnaires de l'Exposition’, Gazette nationale (20 December 1900), 3; ‘Le tribunal arbitral de l'Exposition’, Le Petit caporal (24 February 1901); A. Maréchal, ‘Les sentences arbitrales’, La Cocarde (12 March 1901), 1.
62 According to the Exposition Universelle's Arbitration Jury, the Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre's repetitive programs were to blame for its financial troubles. Pan F/12/5358. And, as Léopold Maurice later recalled, ‘le synchronisme était approximatif, surtout lorsqu'il m'arrivait de remplacer [Georges], car je n'avais pas son expérience pour suivre le son en accélérant ou ralentissant le projecteur’. Quoted in Meusy, Paris-palaces, 90.
63 In addition to putting on a limited number of shows in Paris, Vrignault exhibited the Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre in Switzerland, Sweden, Spain, Britain, Germany, Austria and Italy. Mannoni, ‘Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre’, 26–7. For several months, Félix Mesguich served as the projectionist for these screenings, and in his memoirs he described one particularly challenging screening: ‘Cela ne va pas toujours sans difficulté. Je me souviens notamment, qu'un soir, j’étais enfermé dans ma cabine, au premier étage, tandis que M. Berst était placé avec son phono à l'orchestre. La salle se trouvait plongée dans l'obscurité, lorsqu'une main malveillante coupa le fil de transmission acoustique qui me permettait de suivre à distance au moyen d'un récepteur, la marche du cylindre. Sans interrompre la séance, je réussis néanmoins à terminer ma projection dans un synchronisme parfait, et personne ne s'aperçut que l'opérateur avait été subitement frappé de surdité.’ Mesguich, Tours de Manivelle: Souvenirs d'un chasseur d'images (Paris, 1933), 34.
64 See, for example, ‘Le Phono-Cinéma-Théâtre’, Mémorial de la Loire et de la Haute-Loire (30 April 1901).
65 For example, when Hatto created the role of Floria in Camille Saint-Saëns's 1901 Les Barbares – an opera initially intended for the Théâtre-Antique d'Orange but ultimately premiered at the Palais Garnier – critics praised ‘les attitudes de statue grecque de Mlle Hatto’. Charles Sarrus, ‘Chronique des spectacles’, Le Libéral (26 October 1901). See Rémy Campos and Aurélien Poidevin, La Scène lyrique autour de 1900 (Paris, 2011), especially the subsection in chapter 4 titled ‘Le modèle antique’, 256–62. The antique and the avant-garde continued to intersect in the physical practices of French and American female performers who lived in Paris at the beginning of the twentieth century, including Colette, Loïe Fuller, Eva Palmer and Isadora Duncan. Ann Cooper Albright suggests that these performers ‘conjured a vision of ancient Greece to enhance the representation of their bodies as agents of self-expression’. Albright, , ‘The Tanagra Effect: Wrapping the Modern Body in the Folds of Ancient Greece’, in The Ancient Dancer in the Modern World: Responses to Greek and Roman Dance, ed. Macintosh, Fiona (Oxford, 2010), 59Google Scholar. Duncan, for example, choreographed a series of dances to Gluck's Iphigénie en Aulide, Iphigénie en Tauride and Orphée between the early 1900s and 1920, drawing inspiration in part from her training in the American school of Delsartism. On Duncan's dances based on Gluck's operas, see Daly, Ann, Done into Dance: Isadora Duncan in America (Bloomington, 1995), 144–50Google Scholar.