No CrossRef data available.
Article contents
Extract
‘Spain is different’, the Spanish tourist board famously declared in the 1960s as part of its strategy to attract mass tourism to the country. The campaign played a key role in opening up Spain's economy during the later years of Franco's regime – the so-called apertura – following two decades of autarchic rule that had left the country geopolitically isolated. As the slogan suggested, however, exoticism was a key part of Spain's nation-branding. Ideas of Spanish difference were now marketed for their tourist appeal, with images of gypsies and flamenco joined by sizzling beaches and ice-cold sangria.
- Type
- Review Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © The Author(s) 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press
Footnotes
Ditlev Rindom, King's College London; ditlev.rindom@kcl.ac.uk
References
1 Recent studies include Pack, Sasha D., Tourism and Dictatorship: Europe's Peaceful Invasion of Franco's Spain (New York, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Rosendorf, Neal M., Franco Sells Spain to America: Hollywood, Tourism and Public Relations as Postwar Soft Spanish Power (New York, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
2 Cited in Agarez, Ricardo, ‘Regional Identity for the Leisure of Travellers: Early Tourism Infrastructure in the Algarve (Portugal), 1940–1965’, The Journal of Architecture, 18/5 (2013), 721–43, at 721CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 See, for example, Isabella, Maurizio and Zanou, Konstantina, eds., Mediterranean Diasporas: Politics and Ideas in the Long Nineteenth Century (London, 2016)Google Scholar.
4 See Cárcel, Ricardo García, La leyenda negra: Historia y opinión (Madrid, 1992)Google Scholar; and more recently, Townson, Nigel, ed. Is Spain Different? A Comparative Look at the 19th and 20th Centuries (Brighton, 2015)Google Scholar.
5 Recent winners focusing on music theatre include Thomas, Susan, Cuban Zarzuela: Performing Race and Gender on Havana's Lyric Stage (Champaign, 2009)Google Scholar as well as Young's, Clinton D. Music Theater and Popular Nationalism in Spain, 1880–1930 (Baton Rouge, 2016)Google Scholar.
6 A prominent example is Levitz, Tamara, ed., ‘Musicology Beyond Borders?’, colloquy, Journal of the American Musicological Society 65/3 (2012), 821–61Google Scholar.
7 Head, Matthew, ‘The Growing Pains of Eighteenth-Century Studies’, Cambridge Opera Journal 27/2 (2015), 175–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
8 Exceptions include de Brito, Manuel Carlos, Opera in Portugal in the Eighteenth Century (Cambridge, 1989)Google Scholar and Gilbert Chase's classic The Music of Spain (Norton, 1941).
9 See Walton, Benjamin, ‘Italian Operatic Fantasies in Latin America’, Journal of Modern Italian Studies 17/4 (2012), 460–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
10 Cited in Murphy, Kerry, ‘Carmen: Couleur locale or the Real Thing?’, in Music, Theater, and Cultural Transfer: Paris, 1830–1914, ed. Fauser, Annegret and Everist, Mark (Chicago, 2009), 311Google Scholar; also cited in Christoforidis, Michael and Kertesz, Elizabeth, Carmen and the Staging of Spain: Recasting Bizet's Opera in the Belle Epoque (Oxford, 2018), 29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
11 See Mordey, Delphine, ‘Bizet, “Habanera” (Carmen), Carmen, Act 1’, Cambridge Opera Journal 28/2 (2016), 215–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
12 Llano, Samuel, Whose Spain? Negotiating ‘Spanish Music’ in Paris, 1908–1929 (Oxford, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially 161–91 on Carmen's Parisian reception during the 1920s.
13 On Farrar's Carmen, see Esse, Melina, ‘The Silent Diva: Farrar's Carmen’, in Technology and the Diva, ed. Henson, Karen (Cambridge, 2016), 89–103CrossRefGoogle Scholar; on Farrar's later career, see also my ‘Celluloid Diva: Staging Leoncavallo's Zazà in the Cinematic Age’, Journal of the Royal Musical Association 144/2 (2019), 287–321.
14 See McCleary, Kristen, ‘Nation, Identity and Performance: The Spanish Zarzuela in Argentina, 1890–1900’, Nineteenth Century Theatre and Film 44/1 (2017), 1–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
15 Here as elsewhere throughout Young's book, Siegfried Kracauer's classic study Jacques Offenbach and the Paris of his Time (1937) appears a significant model, although Young is at pains to distinguish the Spanish class milieu from the French.
16 Other recent studies that have considered zarzuela's relationship with nationalism in broad terms include Delgado, Maria M. and Gies, David T., eds., A History of Theatre in Spain (Cambridge, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially Rafael Lamas's chapter, ‘Zarzuela: High Art, Popular Culture, and Music Theatre’, 192–210; and Christopher Webber's handbook The Zarzuela Companion (Lanham, MD, 2002). The Spanish-language literature on zarzuela is unsurprisingly extensive, but mainly focused on composers; see, for example, Sánchez, Víctor Sánchez, Tomás Bréton: un músico de la restauración (Madrid, 2002)Google Scholar.
17 One recent model for such research is offered by Smart, Mary Ann, Waiting for Verdi: Opera and Political Opinion in Nineteenth-Century Italy, 1815–1848 (Oakland, 2018)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
18 Gabriela Cruz has also addressed operatic parody in nineteenth-century Lisbon in ‘Sr. José, the Worker mélomane, or Opera and Democracy in Lisbon ca. 1850’, 19th-Century Music 40/2 (2016), 81–105.
19 In a related vein, see Revuluri, Sindhumathi, ‘French Folk Songs and the Invention of History’, 19th-Century Music 39/3 (2016), 248–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
20 Barthes, Roland, The Pleasure of the Text, trans. Miller, Richard (London, 1980)Google Scholar outlines distinctions between pleasure and jouissance, the latter according to Barthes offering a quasi-orgasmic refashioning of the reader's subject position.