Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 November 2014
Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and South Africa have two attributes which, taken together, distinguish them from all other countries: they are new countries and they are British Dominions. Economically, their outstanding feature is the relative abundance of their resources in relation to their population and supplies of capital. Politically, it is the fairly recent emergence of self-government under institutions modelled upon those of Great Britain and erected within the loose and conveniently ambiguous constitution of the British Empire. Culturally, too, they are predominantly British; although special reservations must be made in the cases of Canada and South Africa. As a result of their similarities it is possible to draw a number of general conclusions regarding the nature and direction of their growth.
The nature of development in new countries should be a matter of interest to all students of economics and political science because (as Professor Mackintosh has recently pointed out in this Journal) it is in such countries that the impact of development may be most clearly seen and the problems of open, internationally exposed economies most effectively studied. Moreover, the subject is one of great practical importance. It should be familiar to “the Legislators of the Empire, and all who are set in authority over us; that all things may be … ordered and settled by their endeavours upon the best and surest foundations”. Indeed, this paper has been prepared as the background for a larger work on the administrative problems of central banking in the Dominions. This may account for special emphasis on some points, and relatively little on others (such as immigration) which might have been treated rather differently had a more general object been in view.
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2 Heaton, Herbert, “The Development of New Countries: Some Comparisons” (Minnesota History, vol. X, no. 1, 1929, pp. 6 and 13).Google Scholar He writes of these countries that “their history has been predominantly economic…. Their politics have been concerned with … economic issues chiefly.” This statement may belittle a number of profound struggles concerning race, religion, and constitution.
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7 It is sometimes considered convenient to regard a rise in the prices of exports as a favourable movement in the “barter terms of trade”; but there are objections to this. Most of the normal results of a rise in the prices of staple exports would probably ensue even if the prices of imports happened to rise pari passu or faster and there was no change or an unfavourable one in the (net) terms of trade. Moreover, the barter terms of trade is a ratio composed of two quantities (imports and exports) which vary, sometimes as a result of independent forces and sometimes residually to permit equilibrium in the balance of international payments (see the next footnote); and therefore the explanation of its movements is complex. If we attempt to explain other matters in terms of its fluctuations, we do not get very far, and are in danger of ambiguity if not of error. It seems preferable to stick to concepts, such as price movements or (better) value movements, which, while not always clear, are at least less dangerous than the terms of trade.
8 This may appear to controvert the opinion put forward by Professor Viner, viz., that the commodity balance of trade conforms to capital movements, implying that the latter is often, in some sense, the “independent variable” ( Viner, J., Canada's Balance of International Indebtedness, 1900-1913, Cambridge, Mass., 1924, ch. xi).Google Scholar It is doubtful, however, whether there is any fundamental conflict. The value of exports may be one independent, the import of capital another, and balance of trade the resultant. Nevertheless, it seems difficult to accept entirely his explanation of the adjustment of commodity trade to capital movement. He makes it appear that, during the period under consideration, the increasing value of the exports of Canada's staples (wheat, copper, nickel, silver, etc.) was something needing special explanation (pp. 261 ff., “Restrictive Effect of Capital Borrowings on Exports”). But surely this movement of export values, together with new discoveries and innovations, was the root of the whole matter. Capital imports came in to take advantage of the new opportunities associated, directly or indirectly, with the expansion of exports—in the expectation that exports would continue to grow. Had the value of exports decreased, the import of capital would have disappeared.
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