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Newfoundland, Economic and Political III. Basic Problems of Government in Newfoundland

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  07 November 2014

H. A. Innis*
Affiliation:
The University of Toronto
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Extract

It would be presumptuous for a Canadian to comment critically on the affairs, of Newfoundland—particularly as a native of a country which has done its share of bullying a small neighbour and of a country which can scarcely point the finger of scorn on grounds of bad government. Charges of corruption heard in Newfoundland fall on attuned Canadian ears—and it would probably not be difficult to find specific instances of scandal in the history of government in Canada which would match those of Newfoundland.

Nevertheless a student of the economic history of both countries may be forgiven for reflections suggested by comparisons and contrasts. In common with other maritime regions, Newfoundland throughout her history has faced the sea, and she has been the last to feel the effects of the pull of the North American continent. The railroad from St. John's to Port aux Basques brought her in direct touch with North America viá Sydney. Canadian bankers assumed control in the island after the crash in 1894. With the turn of the century the steel mills of Nova Scotia began to draw on the iron mines of Wabana. While British industrialism penetrated Newfoundland in the construction of paper mills, it was significant that Cornerbrook on the west coast was sold to International. Industrialism, particularly as evident in transportation, linked Newfoundland more closely to the continent, to mention only the demands for coal and oil.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association 1937

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References

1 The character of these limitations arises partly from the unique constitutional status of Newfoundland evident in the problems of treaty arrangements with other countries, and partly from internal difficulties. Responsible government involved representation throughout the island in spite of the absence of municipal government, but commission government tends to concentrate on St. John's and to increase inflexibility. Democracy, which involves rapid adjustment in economic, social, and political activities, has been displaced by a Commission based on the efficient English civil service with changing personnel and necessarily lacking in a thorough understanding of Newfoundland problems. In spite of attempts by the Commission to secure an adequate expression of views on legislation, it is difficult for a people with traditions of responsible government to adapt themselves to these new methods. The general restlessness, and friction with the municipality of St. John's, the last refuge of responsible government, are evidence to this effect and tend to hamper the efforts of the Commission.

The writer confesses a strong bias on this matter and he cannot refrain from referring to a profound sense of shock when he saw the “Colonial Building” (House of Assembly) filled with office desks. It was a moving experience to go from Newfoundland to Halifax, the birthplace of responsible government in Canada, and to New England to hear the restatement of liberalism presented by distinguished social scientists on the occasion of the Harvard Tercentary celebrations. Is Newfoundland a significant blind spot on the democracy of Western civilization? How could a labour peer as chairman of the Commission sanction the recommendations of the Report? It will not do, to answer the question on the grounds of the peculiarities of Newfoundland, because it is even more disturbing to find the number of so-called liberals—i.e., in the very broad sense and including so-called radicals and so-called conservatives—who do?