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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 07 November 2014
Economic historians are faced with the task of reconsidering modern European history as a whole. No age is more in need of reinterpretation than the hundred years or so which began in England with the outbreak of the Civil War and in France with the accession of the infant Louis xiv. Tawney, his associates, and pupils have revealed the main features of English agrarian, industrial, commercial, and financial development in early modern times. With the copious data provided in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Clapham, his associates, and pupils have built recent English economic history into a solid edifice on massive and precise statistical foundations. But Continental and British economic history have still to be brought into appropriate relationship to each other. And even in modern English economic history, an unfilled gap of more than a century remains. The materials that have been thrown into it are inadequate from about 1640 down to 1740, the year in which the war of the Austrian Succession broke out. The task of arranging such materials as are available into a durable pattern has not been seriously faced. So our knowledge of the place of these hundred years in the rise of industrialism both in Great Britain and on the Continent is vague.
The research in connection with this subject has been undertaken with the help of funds generously provided by the Social Science Research Council. The present essay is concerned mainly with the interrelations between wars and the progress of science and invention. It is part of a larger study of wars and the rise of European industrial civilization from the Reformation to the twentieth century. Two versions of an earlier essay, dealing with an earlier period, are already in print (“War and Economic Progress, 1540-1640,” by J. U. Nef, Economic History Review, vol. XII, 1942, pp. 13–38; and “War and the Early Industrial Revolution,” in Economic Problems of War and Its Aftermath, edited by C. W. Wright, Chicago, 1942, pp. 1–53).
I am deeply grateful to Professor Earl J. Hamilton and Professor Harold A. Innis, for the encouragement they have given me to pursue this study in these difficult times. Dr. Hamilton first suggested that I conduct researches in the economic history of war, researches which, he rightly thinks, should have a bearing upon the problems of international relations, national policy and education in America, as the second world war draws to a close and in the years that follow it. Together with his associates, Professor Arthur H. Cole and Dr. Innis, of the Subcommittee on Grants-in-Aid of the Economic History Research Committee, he obtained for me the grant from the Social Science Research Council. Dr. Innis honoured me by an invitation to deliver a lecture on the subject at the University of Toronto in March, 1943. This essay is the outcome. He has also suggested several valuable references.
My obligations to Miss Stella Lange, of St. Mary's College, are very heavy. With an initiative, a skill, and an accuracy that would be difficult to equal, she has helped me with my researches and has saved me much time and tiresome toil.
2 des Bruslons, Savary, Dictionnaire universel de commerce (1726) (Geneva, 1742, vol. I, part 2, pp. 16–17).Google Scholar We have here a comparison of the consumption of various foodstuffs in Paris in 1634, 1659, and at the end of Louis xiv's reign (1722 “mais qui paroit avoir été dressé quelques années auparavant”). This shows that consumption had increased by about a fourth. But, as the final figures are for the end of a period of prolonged warfare, we may reasonably assume that there was a considerable further increase by 1740. See also vol. I, part 2, passim. I do not suggest that the consumption in Paris is necessarily a good barometer of consumption in France as a whole.
3 Elsas, M. J., Umriss einer Geschichte der Preise und Löhne in Deutschland (Leiden, 1936), vol. I, p. 78.Google Scholar
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41 Cf. Boyle, , Works (London, 1772), vol. III, pp. 402–25, 442–55.Google Scholar Views like Boyle's on these matters were common enough among the English scientists who were his contemporaries. References could be multiplied.
42 Faure, , La danse sur le feu et l'eau (Paris, 1920), pp. 50–2, 59–78.Google Scholar Newton is, in fact, one of a great number of examples whom Faure selects to support his thesis. Paradise Lost and the best works of Hobbes, he remarks, were published after “the last and perhaps the most terrible of English civil wars.” And then, as a finishing touch, he adds “Isaac Newton saw the light in the very year in which the civil war broke out (1642)”!
I am not suggesting that Faure is wrong in his insistence upon the tragic element in great art or in his remark that war has been an integral part of civilized history (cf. my The Universities Look for Unity, New York, 1943, pp. 41–2).Google Scholar
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147 A point suggested by some lectures on the interrelations of Renaissance art and philosophy given by my colleague, Professor Edgar Wind.
148 Cf. Recueil des testaments politigues, vol. III (Colbert), (Amsterdam, 1749), vol. III, pp. 396–7, 401–2.Google Scholar
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