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Géométrie des restrictions de cooccurrence de traits en sémitique et en berbère: synchronie et diachronie

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 June 2016

Mohamed Elmedlaoui
Mohamed Elmedlaoui*
Affiliation:
Université Mohamed 1er, Maroc
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Abstract

The main goal of this article is to provide a more global approach to the question of cooccurrence restrictions which hold among classes of segments in Hamito-Semitic languages. It is demonstrated that the Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) combined with the directionality conventions is not sufficient to predict all of the observed cooccurrence restrictions found in the Classical Arabic verb root and that it is necessary to postulate two other constraints that interact with the OCP. By establishing a parallel between the facts observed in Classical Arabic and the labial dissimilations in two other Hamito-Semitic languages, Akkadian and Imdlawn Tashlhiyt Berber, it is argued that, at the Proto-Hamito-Semitic stage, the OCP hierarchically dominated the Multiple Association Constraint operative at the level of articulator nodes, but that this hierarchy is no longer synchronically manifested in languages like Arabic and Hebrew. The existence of a constraint that imposes a minimal sonority distance on rising sonority contours is also postulated to account for an asymmetry indicating a tendency to prefer certain sequences of segments over the reverse order.

Résumé

Résumé

Le but principal de cet article est de reformuler aussi globalement que possible la problématique des restrictions de cooccurrence des classes de segments que l’on observe dans les langues chamito-sémitiques. Il est démontré que la combinaison du Principe du Contour Obligatoire (PCO) et des conventions de directionnalité ne suffit pas pour prédire tous les aspects observables des restrictions de cooccurrence dans la racine verbale de l’arabe classique et qu’il est nécessaire de postuler l’existence de deux autres contraintes qui interagissent avec le PCO. En faisant le parallèle entre les faits observables en arabe classique et les dissimilations de labialité que présentent deux autres langues chamito-sémitiques, l’akkadien et le parler chleuh d’Imdlawn, il est argumenté qu’au stade Proto-Chamito-Sémitique, le PCO dominait hiérarchiquement une autre contrainte: l’Interdiction d’Association Multiple, observée sur les paliers des noeuds d’articulateurs, mais que ce rapport de contraintes ne tient plus synchroniquement dans des langues comme l’arabe ou l’hébreu. L’existence d’une contrainte qui impose une distance minimale de sonorité au contour croissant de sonorité est également postulée afin d’expliquer une asymétrie qui dénote une tendance à préférer certaines suites de segments aux suites d’ordre inverse.

Type
Articles
Information
Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique , Volume 40 , Issue 1 , March 1995 , pp. 39 - 76
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Linguistic Association 1995

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