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Direct Object Definiteness Effects

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 June 2016

Carol Georgopoulos*
Affiliation:
University of Utah

Abstract

This article examines the effects of direct object definiteness in Austronesian (AN) and relates these effects to marking for transitivity. Definite objects often correlate with a high degree of transitive marking in the verb phrase, while indefinite objects correlate with or trigger intransitive marking, even in transitive sentences. The primacy of goal/object orientation over actor/subject orientation is another widespread tendency in AN languages. In some languages, a definite goal/object must be marked as the focus of the clause, either overtly or via the obligatory indefiniteness of other arguments, or by making it the syntactic subject, or in other ways. The article thus shows how definiteness restrictions on various arguments in AN languages can be explained against the background of historical focus systems. Data come primarily from Muna (Celebes), in which, it is argued, the historical object focus function is continued in verb forms marked explicitly for definite objects.

Résumé

Résumé

Cet article examine les effets de la définitude de l’object direct dans des langues austronésiennes et relie ces effets à la morphologie de la transitivité. Les objets directs définis correspondent souvent à un marquage de transitivité élevé dans le syntagme verbal, alors que les objets indéfinis correspondent ou déclenchent le marquage intransitif, même dans les phrases transitives. La primauté de l’orientation vers l’objet-but sur celle vers le sujet-agent se présente aussi comme tendance répandue dans la famille austronésienne. Dans certaines langues, l’objet-but défini se présente obligatoirement comme focus de la phrase, soit de façon visible, soit par le marquage indéfini d’autres arguments, ou par sa montée à la position sujet, ou par d’autres voies. Cet article montre aussi que les restrictions sur la définitude de différents arguments dans les langues austronésiennes s’expliquent en termes des systèmes historiques de focus. Les données examinées proviennent principalement de la langue muna (îles Célèbes) où la fonction historique de focus objet est encore attestée dans les formes verbales qui sont marquées de façon explicite pour des objets directs définis.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Linguistic Association 1998

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