In this article, the author demonstrates that verbal compound constructions involving an ideophone and a light verb represent a widespread syntactic device in the world's languages. The author provides evidence that phono-symbolic morphemes cannot be treated as ‘bare’ direct objects in such constructions. Ideophones appearing in the light verb-adjacent position form a semantic unit with the verbal predicate, despite the fact that in some languages they can be syntacticized as (bare) nouns and appear in argumental position. Specifically, ideophones in complex predicates are part of the verbal domain with which they ‘blend’ (yielding a single predicate) through the mechanism of conflation, along the lines of Hale and Keyser (1993, 2002), and building on Ramchand (2008).

This paper documents the existence of swiping – that is, inversion of a wh-phrase and its associated preposition under sluicing – in a non-Germanic language. We discuss swiping in a variety of Ontario French (Lafontaine French, LFF), which shares some of the characteristics of its extensively-studied English counterpart (Ross 1969, Merchant 2002, among others). We offer a preliminary description of swiping in LFF and consider some implications of these novel facts for the theory of swiping and sluicing. We suggest that LFF swiping supports an analysis in terms of non-constituent deletion, as originally suggested by Ross (1969) in his seminal work on sluicing.

Introduction. In Spanish, pairs of sentences like the following are found:

1. (1)

   1. a. Oigo que Juan toca la guitarra.

      I-hear that John is-playing the the guitar.

   2. b. Oigo a Juan que toca la guitarra.

      I-hear John that (he) is-playing the guitar.

2. (2)

   1. a. Vio que María estaba de regreso.

      He-saw that Mary had returned.

   2. b. Vio a María que estaba de regreso.

      He-saw Mary that (she) had returned.

3. (3)

   1. a. Veo que el río trae mucha agua.

      I-see that the river carries a-lot-of water

   2. b. Veo el río que trae mucha agua.

      I-see the river that (it) carries a-lot-of water.

   In general, it appears that in sentences with verbs of perception which introduce a que clause, the embedded subject (see a. sentences) is able to move upwards to the object position in the main clause (see b. sentences). This pattern also occurs in the causative construction with dejar.

4. (4)

   1. a. Dejé que Juan saliera.

      I-let that John leave (Subjunctive)

   2. b. Dejé a Juan que saliera.

      I-let John that (he) leave (Subjunctive)

This study examines certain properties of human memory which impose limits on topic accessibility in discourse. While the discussion is centred on so-called “dative” and “cleft” sentences in English, the work is motivated by more general concerns which have been variously referred to as “topicworthiness” (Thompson 1988), “information flow” (Chafe 1987; Kuno, 1987), “topic continuity” (Givón 1983), “degree of presuppositionality” (Givón 1979), “pragmatic perspective” (Dik 1978), “packaging phenomena” (Chafe 1976), “staging” (Grimes 1975), “communicative dynamism” (Firbas 1967), “the theme system” (Halliday 1967), and “linear modification” (Bolinger 1952). The term adopted here is “information flow”.

One important aspect of the study of information flow is the attempt to determine the conditions under which speakers make selections from among alternative syntactic expressions of identical propositional meaning. While some of the motivation for such choices lies in sentence-internal factors such as the animacy or definiteness of NPs (e.g., Ransom 1979), I shall restrict the discussion here to the issue of contextual motivation as originally developed in Smyth (1977) and in Smyth et al (1979). A particular syntactic choice is said to be contextually motivated if the information flow features which govern it are external to the sentence, and the alternative structure is contextually inappropriate. Where contextual motivation is absent, I claim that either of the candidate syntactic forms is appropriate, although sentence-internal information flow factors may then exert a weaker influence on syntactic choice.

Research in second language phonology has, until recently at least, been principally concerned with the interference of the learner’s first language in his acquisition of a new sound system. In practice, the belief that interference from the first language is the major source of pronunciation problems is well established among second language teachers, and teachers have traditionally been trained to recognize and remedy, if not try to prevent, the errors resulting from this interference. Recently, however, researchers (for example, Garnica and Herbert 1979) have begun to conclude that interference is not a sufficient explanation, and that the second language learner’s developing phonology, his approximative system, is undoubtedly influenced by many other factors.

Since the close of the Second World War a number of efficient and relatively inexpensive light-weight electrical recording machines using cheap plastic tape have come onto the market. It is rather surprising that dialect geographers have not used these machines to a greater extent in the field, for limited field experience indicates that dialect investigators can expect to benefit greatly when the potentialities of these machines are properly exploited.

It is always gratifying when one’s research elicits a response, particularly the detailed discussions by Singh (1980) and Morin (1980) of Walker (1978). It is also clear that both of these authors have contributed to our understanding of the process of epen-thesis in Old French, although I am not convinced that we may yet be confident of having dealt with the process in a fully satisfactory way. The following comments on Singh’s and Morin’s proposals may illustrate certain of the difficulties which remain.

Since the paper by Barss and Lasnik (1986), the fact that the double object construction exhibits Theme/Goal asymmetries has been the object of an important debate in the literature. The central question of this discussion is whether these asymmetries should be accounted for in terms of dominance (e.g., Larson 1988, 1990; Aoun and Li 1989; den Dikken 1991) or precedence (e.g., Barss and Lasnik 1986; Jackendoff 1990; Tremblay 1991). On the dominance account, the Goal must asymmetrically c-command the Theme (e.g., Larson 1988, 1990). On Barss and Lasnik’s account, the Goal and the Theme of the construction may symmetrically c-command each other but the Goal must precede the Theme. This proposal is captured in their definition of domain of (1986:352).

This paper provides a syntactic and semantic analysis of sentences such as those in (1).

1. (1) a. Mary has to leave early.

2. b. I have a paper to write/a dress to wear.

3. c. Mary has only/but to call, and Fred comes running.

4. d. We have yet to figure out why the car won’t start.

This study addresses both the practical question of what forms of complementation are found with verbs expressing the notion of choice in English and the theoretical question of explaining the control and temporal effects found with these verbs. The explanation proposed is based on an approach in which syntax is taken to be driven by semantics. Semantics is defined in terms of the meaning-content associated with the linguistic forms occurring in the constructions examined, namely the to-infinitive, the gerund-participle, and the lexical content of the different verbs of choice themselves, together with the semantic value of the complement’s function with respect to the main verb. Although it does not utilize a corpus in the strict sense of the word, nor employ statistical argumentation, the study is based mainly on an examination of attested usage in Canadian English as reflected by Canadian websites accessed in the fall of 2006.

In considering the cognitive notion of informativeness, variants of the Spanish first-person singular object a mí ‘to me’, ‘myself’ convey different meanings. These meanings are used to pursue communicative goals in discursive interactions. A qualitative examination of specific examples of first-person singular object a mí variants (omitted, preverbal, and postverbal) as well as a quantitative analysis of these variants across different socio-professional affiliations of speakers was conducted to ascertain how these variants contribute to the construction of communicative styles based on the cognitive dimension of subjectivity. This article demonstrates that these forms and their meanings are unevenly distributed across the socio-professional affiliations of speakers; thus, it may be concluded that variation of first-person singular object a mí shape different communicative styles.

Harbour (2016) argues for a parsimonious universal set of features for grammatical person distinctions, and suggests (ch. 7) that the same features may also form the basis for systems of deixis. We apply this proposal to an analysis of Heiltsuk, a Wakashan language with a particularly rich set of person-based deictic contrasts (Rath 1981). Heiltsuk demonstratives and third-person pronominal enclitics distinguish proximal-to-speaker, proximal-to-addressee, and distal (in addition to an orthogonal visibility contrast). There are no forms marking proximity to third persons (e.g., ‘near them’) or identifying the location of discourse participants (e.g., ‘you near me’ vs. ‘you over there’), nor does the deictic system make use of the clusivity contrast that appears in the pronoun paradigm (e.g., ‘this near you and me’ vs. ‘this near me and others’). We account for the pattern by implementing Harbour's spatial element χ as a function that yields proximity to its first- or second-person argument.

Malgré l’existence d’un nombre considérable d’études portant sur les mots d’emprunt dans les langues romanes, l’intégration grammaticale de ces emprunts a reçu relativement peu d’attention. Correa-Zoli (1973) s’est adressé à l’attribution du genre aux emprunts anglais en italien américain. Un seul article est consacré entièrement au genre des emprunts anglais en français: celui de Haden et Joliat (1940) qui concerne l’intégration des noms anglais en français canadien. Plus de trente ans plus tard, dans Cahiers de Lexicologie Humbley (1974:67) fait remarquer (sans spécifier la source ni la date des exemples) que près de 90% des inanimés empruntés à l’anglais dont le genre est explicite, ont été attribués au masculin en français. Dans un article récent, Poplack et ses collaborateurs étudient l’attribution du genre grammatical aux emprunts anglais en espagnol américain et en français canadien (Poplack et al 1982). Ces linguistes constatent d’une part que le genre, une fois attribué, est stable, et d’autre part que seul le genre naturel du référent constitue un facteur catégorique dans l’attribution du genre grammatical, Ils concluent que les facteurs déterminant le genre sont spécifiques à une langue et que les emprunts sont gouvernés, en ce qui concerne le genre, par les mêmes processus et les mêmes contraintes que les autres mots du lexique.

Although “language” and “community” are assumed for all normal, that is, stable, conditions experienced by human beings, both phenomena are problematic in situations where there is no shared means of communication. We should like to know how they emerge, which one takes precedence or is more dominant (if such can be determined) and what factors accompany the predominance of one of these phenomena. In this paper, I approach the problem by examining the origin of jargons and pidgins. I propose, as a modest contribution to the enormous task that has to be addressed, a set of generalizations that might serve as a heuristic for understanding pidginization as a context for the emergence of both language and community.

This article explores a defining property of implicit null object constructions, and how this property emerges during the L1 acquisition process. Implicit objects are non-referential and characterized by a strong semantic association between a null N in object position and the contents of the verb root. By means of an elicited production study, we examine children’s sensitivity to this association in terms of the typicality of implicit direct objects and of their use in a potentially contrastive context. Participants were 73 English-speaking children (between the ages of 2;09 and 5;08) and 20 adult controls. Our results show that children make a distinction between implicit objects with typical and atypical objects—even in scenarios where a previous use introduces a potential contrast—but at rates that differ from those of adults. This suggests an incomplete knowledge of the target properties of null objects and indicates that children use a referential null N until later in development, when the selectional link between V and the null object becomes entrenched and hyponymy with the verb root becomes the sole source of recoverability. We draw implications about the co-development of verb meaning and the null object construction.

The acquisition of subject properties in adult instructed L2 English by Spanish speakers still constitutes an area of difficulty, especially in situations of minimal exposure where explicit teaching of the syntax of subjects rarely occurs. By exploring the L2 learners’ intuitions and corrections of grammatical and ungrammatical sentences containing subject properties, this article contributes new cross-sectional data from adult learners at three stages of L2 development: beginners, intermediate, and advanced groups. The data show initial L1 transfer and subsequent developmental progress. Yet results are clearly not target-like even among advanced learners, which suggests that adult learners do not resort to parameter-resetting in instructed L2A and necessarily apply general learning mechanisms to adopt L2 structures with feature specifications different from those of their L1.

The development of contrastive studies (CS) in recent years, judging by the proliferation of projects and published materials, has been accompanied since the late sixties by vigorous discussions and controversies concerning the theoretical status of CS, their form and their place in both general and applied linguistics.

Many linguists and language teachers have gone so far as to reject the validity and usefulness of CS (cf. Alatis, 1968). It seems that this attitude results from a number of misunderstandings created by such factors as the peculiar methodological status of CS, the lack of a clear-cut distinction between theoretical and applied CS (Stockwell, 1968:25; Fisiak, 1971:88ff), and the lack of any precise formulation of the different aims of theoretical CS and applied CS, as well as the confusion of the relationship between CS, psycholinguistic theories of interference and errors, and the theory of second language learning (Zabrocki, 1976). Some confusion also stems from the misunderstanding of the relationship between CS and linguistic theory.

This article is concerned with plural marking in two English-lexified creoles, Jamaican Patwa and Tok Pisin. In addition to bare plurals, these creoles possess two overt strategies of plural marking—a free-standing morpheme and the suffix -s. The analytic and inflectional plural markers occur according to different linguistic constraints. It appears that the creoles use two conceptually and typologically different number marking systems — that of set noun languages, based on the opposition between singleton and collective sets, and that of singular object noun languages, based on the opposition between singular and plural individuals. This poses problems for the definition of the lexical semantics of the creole nouns if one assumes the existence of cross-linguistic differences. The analysis proposed here is based on the universalist approach to lexical semantics. Under this approach, individuated and collective (set) interpretations of plurals are encoded in the noun phrase structure.

Babine, which has also been known as Northern Carrier, has two major dialects, Lake Babine (LB) spoken in Babine Lake and River Babine (RB) spoken in Bulkley River in northwestern British Columbia. The speakers of the latter in Moricetown and Hagwilgate prefer to call their language [wətsowət’en]. The recognition of Babine as a language distinct from Carrier is based on the work of Hildebrandt and Story (1974), Kari (1975), and Story (1984). In claiming Babine as a distinct language, rather than a Carrier dialect, Story (1984:1) cites “the Babine vowel shift”. She presents an extensive discussion of the historical process of vowel shift conditioned by two categories of syllable-initial consonants, which she calls F(ortis)-Mutation and L(enis)-Mutation.