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Hegel's Politics: Liberal or Democratic?
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 01 January 2020
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It probably comes as a surprise to no one that Hegel's political philosophy is difficult to interpret. But his political thought clearly poses problems which the rest of his work does not (especially), and these problems arise from apparent political ambivalence on his part towards the French Revolution, towards monarchy, towards the doctrine of popular sovereignty, towards public opinion and press freedom - well, there is scarcely a reader of Hegel who could not add some additional topic to this already lengthy list. For instance, Hegel sometimes noted how crucial it is for a state to be decisive; every state needs a reservoir of decisiveness, supplied preferably by a monarch, who ‘has become the personality of the state,’ who ‘cuts short the weighing of the pros and cons between which it lets itself oscillate perpetually now this way and now that, and by saying “I will” make its decision and so inaugurates all activity and actuality.’
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References
1 Hegel, G.W.F. Hegel's Philosophy of Right, T.M. Knox trans. (Oxford: The Clarendon Press 1952)Google Scholar, par. 279, remark, 181.
2 Ibid., 289. This addition comes from Hegel's lectures of 1822/23. Vorlesungen über Rechtsphilosophie 1818-1831, Karl-Heinz Ilting, ed. 4 vols. (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt: Frommann-Holzboog 1973) 3, 764. Ilting's edition will be cited hereafter as Edition 1lting.
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15 Ibid.
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18 Of course, there remain other, more obvious reasons for abhorrence of fascism, having less to do with politics than with the sheer barbarism and extent of suffering which it has caused.
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25 Ibid., 130
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33 Hegel, Philosophy of Right, remark to par. 308, 200
34 Ibid., par. 315, 203
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45 Ibid., 277, an addition from the 1824/25 lectures, Edition Ilting, 4, 609
46 Ibid. Cf. par. 238.
47 The Corporations were to be instrumental in both respects. They were to be politicized so as to avoid degeneration into narrow self-interest groupings (ibid., 278). They were also to limit and influence the executive: ‘In these the executive meets with legitimate interests which it must respect’ (ibid., 290). Cf. Hegel's 1824/24 lectures, Edition Ilting 4, 692.
48 Hegel, Philosophy of Right, par. 272, remark, 175
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50 Hegel, Philosophy of History, 450. The dependency of democracy on virtue was claimed (infamously) by Robespierre, and earlier by Montesquieu. Spirit of the Laws, Thomas Nugent, trans. 2 vols. (London: Colonial Press 1900), bk. 3, sec. 3, 20. Hegel refers to Montesquieu's analysis in Philosophy of Right, par. 273, remark, 177-8.
51 Hegel, Phenomenology, 605-6
52 Hegel, Philosophy of History, 452
53 Hegel, ‘Zwei Entwiirfe,’ Werke, 11, 555. My use of ‘deficit’ amends Hegel's use of Ersparnisse, which literally means savings.
54 Hegel, Philosophy of Right, par. 251-5. Its most extensive development is found in the 1824/25 lectures, Edition Ilting, 4 617-30.
55 Hegel, ‘Zwei Entwürfe,’ Werke, 11, 555
56 Ibid.
57 “‷Liberalism″ sets up in opposition to all this the atomistic principle, that which insists upon the sway of individual wills; maintaining that all government should emanate from their express power, and have their express sanction. Asserting this formal side of Freedom - this abstraction - the party in question allows no political organization to be firmly established.
58 Hegel, Philosophy of Right, 290. Edition Ilting, 4 692.
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