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Canada and the Quest for a National Policy

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 November 2009

Donald V. Smiley
Donald V. Smiley
Affiliation:
University of Toronto
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Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique , Volume 8 , Issue 1 , March 1975 , pp. 40 - 62
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association (l'Association canadienne de science politique) and/et la Société québécoise de science politique 1975

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References

1 The Sense of Power: Studies in the Ideas of Canadian Imperialism 1867–1914 (Toronto 1971)

2 Ottawa 1951

3 Pipe Line (Toronto and Vancouver 1970), 22. Significantly, close to the time when Berton's two-volume account of the building of the Canadian Pacific was selling better than any previous books published in Canada and the building of this railway was assuming for some Canadians a place in the national experience analogous to that of the Civil War for Americans, the then chairman of the cpr, N.R. Crump, was calling for the liquidation of some of the important elements of the historic national policy. These proposals included a strengthening of the provinces vis-à-vis Ottawa, an “easing of economic protectionism,” and both “increasing the attractiveness of imported manufactured goods in western Canada and the maritimes” and “allowing Ontario and Quebec to more fully integrate their economies into the heartland of North America, so reducing their dependence on western and maritime markets.” Address to the Canadian Club, Vancouver, 14 Oct. 1971 (mimeo)

4 Opening Speech to the Western Economic Opportunities Conference, Calgary, 24 July 1973 (mimeo)

5 “A New National Policy” in Agenda 1970: Proposals for Creative Politics, ed. Lloyd, Trevor and McLeod, Jack (Toronto 1968), 159–76Google Scholar

6 A New National Policy for Canada” in the Toronto Waffle's paid advertisement “Public Ownership of Canada's Oil and Gas,” Globe and Mail, 22 June 1973

7 A Science Policy for Canada, Volume 2, Targets and Strategies for the Seventies (Ottawa 1972), “A New National Policy,” 534–8

8 “Scientific Research and Canadian Economic Viability,” Paper delivered to the Conference of the Association for Canadian Studies in the United States, 31 March 1973 (mimeo), 12

9 “The New National Policy” in The Canadian Political Nationality (Toronto 1967), 106–10

10 “Towards a New National Policy,” in Canadian Forum (Jan.-Feb. 1972)

11 “A New National Policy and Canadian Nationalism,” Canadian Public Administration (Winter 1973), 542–56

12 The Economic Background of Dominion-Provincial Relations, Carleton Library Series (Toronto and Montreal 1964)

13 “The National Policy – Old and New,” Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 18 (1952), 271–86

14 (Toronto), v

15 “Defensive Expansionism: The State and Economic Growth in Canada,” in Aitken, , ed., The State and Economic Growth (New York 1959), 79–114Google Scholar

16 See Skelton, Oscar Douglas, Life and Times of Sir Alexander Tilloch Gait, ed. and intro. Maclean, Guy, Carleton Library Series (Toronto and Montreal 1966), 115–23Google Scholar, and Easter-brook and Aitken, Canadian Economic History, 372–6.

17 “The Nationalism of the National Policy” in Nationalism in Canada, ed. Russell, Peter (Toronto 1966), 162.Google Scholar In this connection George Etienne Cartier's speech of 7 Feb. 1865 during the Confederation Debates in which the term if not the concept of a Canadian “political nationality” emerged is significant. The basic defence of the Quebec Resolutions made by Cartier was that the Dominion Parliament would be given the major powers of nation-building, that these powers were economic and that in respect to them the cultural roots of citizens were irrelevant. Debates, 53–66

18 See Mackintosh, Economic Background, chap. 4, “The Economy in Expansion, 1895— 1920.”

19 “Dominion Lands” Policy, ed. and intro. Thomas, Lewis H., Carleton Library Series (Toronto and Montreal 1973), 9Google Scholar

20 For the use of disallowance to defend central Canadian interests in the West see Mallory, J.R., Social Credit and the Federal Power in Canada (Toronto 1959)Google Scholar, particularly chap. 9.

21 “The Nationalism of the National Policy,” 162

22 “Canada and the American Value System” in Clark, S.D., The Developing Canadian Community (Toronto2nd ed. 1968), 232Google Scholar

23 “The Limitations of Capitalist Enterprise in Canadian Society” in ibid., 248

24 “Immigration to Canada 1852–1970” in Hawkins, Freda, Canada and Immigration: Public Policy and Public Concern (Montreal 1972), 372.Google Scholar In the years between 1945 and 1970 there have been over 200,000 immigrants in only 1957 and 1967.

25 Safarian, A.E., The Canadian Economy in the Great Depression, Carleton Library Series (Toronto and Montreal 1970)Google Scholar

26 “The National Policy,” 279–80

27 Canadian Economic History, 556–7

28 Canada, Department of Reconstruction, Employment and Income with Special Reference to the Initial Period of Reconstruction (Ottawa). For an autobiographical account of the origins of the White Paper see Mackintosh, W.A., “The White Paper on Employment and Income in its 1945 Setting” in Canadian Economic Policy Since the War, Canadian Trade Committee, ed. Kaliski, S.F. (Ottawa 1966), 9–21.Google Scholar

29 Dominion-Provincial Conference of 1945, Dominion and Provincial Submissions and Plenary Conference Discussions (Ottawa)

30 “The Rowell-Sirois Report,” Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science 6 (1940),562–71

31 For a statement of these claims see Book ii of the Commission's Report, section f.

32 See Book ii, section f, chapter I.

33 See the judgment of the Advisory Committee on Intergovernmental Relations established by the United States Congress. “… the Canadian Federation chalks up a better record than ours when it comes to equalization and fiscal balance.” In Search of Balance: Canada's Inter-governmental Experience, Advisory Committee on Intergovernmental Relations (Washington, d.c. 1971), 11. In the current review of the Australian Constitution the prime minister and treasurer of the state of Victoria has been pressing for a Commonwealth-State plan for revenue-sharing along Canadian lines.

34 How Keynes Came to America” in Galbraith, , Economics, Peace and Laughter (New York 1971), 51.Google Scholar Galbraith mentions in this connection the influence of R.B. Bryce who was a graduate student at Harvard in the late 1930s when the Keynesian influence was strong there and later became deputy minister of finance in Ottawa. See, however, note 28 for a reference to the influence of W.A. Mackintosh on the federal commitment to Keynesianism in the White Paper.

35 See T.N. Brcwis’ statement about Canadian policy-makers of the time. “One of the chief attractions of the Keynesian theory was its association with an analytical formula which lent itself to ready administration.” Brewis, T.N., English, H.E., Scott, A.D., and Jewett, Pauline, Canadian Economic Policy (Toronto 1961), 150–1Google Scholar

36 For the close association between heavy spending on social security and what are perceived to be the demands of full employment policy see the statement of the federal minister of national health and welfare to the Dominion-Provincial Conference on Reconstruction, “Submissions and Plenary Conference Discussions,” Employment and Income, 85.

37 “The National Policy,” 285

38 chap. 20

39 “The Role of Government” in Canada's Tomorrow, ed. Gilmour, G.P. (Toronto 1954), 119–51.Google Scholar See also Lamontagne's Le Fédéralisme Canadien (Quebec 1954).

40 “Decentralization and Democracy” in Innis, Harold A., Essays in Canadian Economic History, ed. Innis, Mary Q. (Toronto 1956), 371.Google Scholar See Innis' more general judgment, “The specific character of the Canadian economy demands specific types of control. General remedial measures applied to the economy as a whole are limited because of the varying characteristics of basic elements of the economy”; in “The Canadian Economy and the Depression,” ibid., 140.

41 In his speech to the conference on national priorities convened by the federal Liberal party at Queen's University

42 “The Economists' Quandary” (review of Johnson's, HarryThe Canadian Quandary) reprinted in Rotstein, The Precarious Homestead (Toronto 1973), 14Google Scholar

43 “Canada's National Policies” in Dales, , The Protective Tariff in Canada's Development (Toronto 1966), 144CrossRefGoogle Scholar

44 “Protection, Immigration and Canadian Nationalism” in Nationalism in Canada, 164–5

45 Ibid.

46 Ibid., 168

47 Ibid., 171

48 The Protective Tariff, 153

49 Ibid., 153–4

50 “Problems in Canadian Nationalism” in The Canadian Quandary (Toronto 1963), 14

51 Ibid., 14

52 Ibid., 15

53 “Economic Nationalism in Canadian Policy,” in Economic Nationalism in Old and New States, ed. Johnson, H.G. (Chicago 1967), 85–97Google Scholar

54 “The Political Economy of Opulence” in The Canadian Quandary, 236–52, and “The Social Policy of an Opulent Society,” 253–68

55 “Towards a Generalized Capital Accumulation to Economic Development” in ibid., 227–35

56 In “The Political Economy of Opulence,” 251–2

57 See generally “The Economic Benefits of the Multinational Enterprise” in Nationalism and the Multinational Enterprise, ed. Hahlo, H.R., Smith, J. Graham, and Wright, Richard W. (New York 1973).Google Scholar

58 “Canada and Contemporary Society,” Convocation Address, Carleton University, 22 May 1970 (mimeo),5

59 “Gordon to Watkins to Uselessness,” Speech delivered to the Ontario Institute of Management Consultants, 12 May 1971 (mimeo), 1

60 Ibid.

61 Canada and Contemporary Society, 8

62 The Economic Benefits of the Multinational Enterprise, 167

63 For one of any number of examples which could be given see Pearson's, L.B. introduction to Pickersgill, J.W., The Liberal Party (Toronto 1962), x.Google Scholar “Liberalism stands for the middle way: the way of progress. It stands for moderation, tolerance, and the rejection of extreme courses, whether they express themselves in demands that the state should do everything for the individual, even if it means weakening him and destroying him in the process, or in demands that the state should do nothing except hold the ring so that the fittest survive in the law of the jungle.”

64 The common millennial and utopian nature of liberalism and communism was a pervasive theme in the writings of the late Reinhold Niebuhr. See particularly his The Children of Light and the Children of Darkness (New York 1944).

65 (Boston). For a more summary statement of Polanyi's views see his essay “Our Obsolete Market Mentality” in Business and Government in Canada, ed. Rea, K.J. and McLeod, J.T. (Toronto 1969), 362–74.Google Scholar

66 The Precarious Homestead

67 “Conservatism, Liberalism, and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation” in The Canadian Political Process, ed. Kruhlak, Orest, Schultz, Richard, and Pobihuschy, Sidney (Toronto and Montreal 1970), 60–1Google Scholar

68 The Precarious Homestead, 35–6

69 J.T. McLeod, “Post-Capitalist Society,” in Agenda 1970, 47

70 “Continentalism and the Birthright of Canada” in Creighton, , Toward the Discovery of Canada (Toronto 1972), 286–92Google Scholar

71 Ibid., 287

72 Ibid., 292

73 Rotstein's political strategy is an explicit attempt to unite those Canadians who accept values transcending “liberal-individualist views of society.”

74 In the postwar period perhaps the most distinguished attempts in this direction are Farthing, John, Freedom Wears a Crown (Toronto 1957)Google Scholar and Morton, W.L., The Canadian Identity (Madison and Toronto 1962).Google Scholar

75 See generally Lament for a Nation: The Defeat of Canadian Nationalism, Carleton Library Series (Toronto 1970), and Technology and Empire: Perspectives on North America (Toronto 1969).

76 (Cambridge, Mass. 1961)

77 Ibid., 136

78 (Ottawa 1972), particularly Volume 2

79 For the more important Reports of the Council as such along these lines see Report No. 4, Toward a National Science Policy for Canada, 1968; Innovation in a Cold Climate: The Development of Canadian Manufacturing, 1971; Natural Resource Policy Issues in Canada, 1973; and Strategies of Development for the Canadian Computer Industry, 1973. See also the important studies published under the auspices of the Council, Cordeil, Arthur J., The Multinational Firm, Foreign Direct Investment, and Canadian Science Policy, 1971Google Scholar; and Bourgault, Pierre L., Innovation and the Structure of Canadian Industry, 1972.Google Scholar

80 Foreign Direct Investment in Canada (Ottawa 1972)

81 Innovation and the Structure of Canadian Industry, 22

82 Levitt, Kari, Silent Surrender: The Multinational Corporation in Canada, (Toronto 1970), 25–6.Google Scholar Professor Levitt quotes here from Schumpeter, Joseph, The Theory of Economic Development (Cambridge, Mass. 1949), 63Google Scholar

83 The Multinational Firm, Foreign Direct Investment, and Canadian Science Policy, 23—4

84 France in the Age of the Scientific Estate (Princeton, N.J. 1968), 25

85 “The Economics of Stunted Growth,” Canadian Journal of Economics and Political Science (1962), 502–10

86 Ibid., 509–10

87 For example see Gordon, H. Scott, The Economists versus the Bank of Canada (Toronto 1961).Google Scholar

88 Bourgault; oecd, Reviews of National Science Policy: Canada (Paris 1969); A Science Policy for Canada, particularly chap. 6, Vol. i; and Innovation in a Cold Climate

89 Foreign Direct Investment in Canada, chap. 6; and Daly, D.J., The Determinants of Productivity Differences between Canada and the United States, prepared for a Conference on Productivity in the Canadian-American Economy, June 1973 (mimeo), 11–13.Google Scholar Daly concludes, “Studies indicate that the typical Canadian executive is older than his United States counterpart, has received less formal education, has moved up to management levels more slowly and has sometimes been promoted on the basis of experience rather than formal relevant education.”

90 A Science Policy for Canada, Vol. I, chap. 8

91 The Multinational Firm, 24

92 “Scientific Research and Canadian Economic Viability,” note 8

93 For an excellent recent analysis of relations between American business and American foreign policy see Barnet, Richard J., Roots of War (Baltimore 1971)Google Scholar, particularly Part ii, “The Political Economy of Expansionism.”

94 Molot, Maureen Appel, “The Role of Institutions in Canada-United States Relations: The Case of North American Financial Ties” in Continental Community? Independence and Integration in North America, ed. Axline, Andrew et al. (Toronto 1974), 164–93CrossRefGoogle Scholar

95 See the results of this work in their article “Private Property in Peril: Ontario Businessmen and the Federal System 1898–1911” in Enterprise and National Development, ed. Porter, Glenn and Cutt, Robert (Toronto 1973), 20–38Google Scholar; and Nelles, ' article “Empire Ontario: The Problems of Resource Development” in Mowat's Ontario, ed. Swainson, Donald (Toronto 1972), pp. 189–210Google Scholar; and Nelles, , The Politics of Development: Forests, Mines and Hydro-Electric Power in Ontario 1849–1941 (Toronto 1974).Google Scholar

96 See particularly Mallory, J.R., Social Credit and the Federal Power in Canada (Toronto 1954).Google Scholar

97 There is no satisfactory account of the specifically economic dimensions of the Quiet Revolution. See, however, chap. 3 of my The Canadian Political Nationality (Toronto 1967).

98 Natural Resource Policy Issues in Canada (Ottawa 1973), 8

99 Report, Vol. II, 597

100 “Proceedings” (mimeo)

101 “Economic and Industrial Development Opportunities,” 4–5

102 “Proceedings,” 341

103 Ibid., 353. See also “Communique,” Western Premiers’ Conference, Vancouver 27–8 September 1974 (mimeo), 4: “Secondary manufacturing is becoming increasingly and overwhelmingly concentrated in Central Canada. Federal policies and programs, specifically those of the Federal Departments of Industry, Trade and Commerce and of Supply and Services, have been and are designed to support large enterprises located in Central Canada to the detriment of smaller scale manufacturing industry in Western Canada.” The Conference set up a committee of ministers of industry to pursue a “Western industrial strategy.”

104 There is I would argue a profoundly instrumentalist thrust in the Bonneau-Corry Report. See Bonneau, Louis-Phillippe and Corry, J.A., Quest for the Optimum: Research Policy in the Universities of Canada (Ottawa 1972)Google Scholar, particularly chap. 8, “The Rationale of Government Support of Research.”