Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 November 2009
This study develops a dependency interpretation of the interplay between class and region in influencing Canadian voting. The weakness of any national class cleavage in voting is linked to the socially disintegrative effects of regional dependency. Class cleavages are not consistently manifested in Canadian voting because consistent class interests are lacking. Log-linear analyses confirm that class does affect voting but this effect differs in both form and intensity depending on a region's location in the centre-periphery system. The impact of union membership and language on the interplay between class and region is also examined.
Cet article présente une interprétation, basée sur la théorie de la dépendance, de l'interaction entre classe et région en tant que facteurs déterminants du vote au Canada. La faiblesse du clivage de classe dans le vote national est attribuée aux effets perturbateurs de la dépendance régionale. Les clivages de classe ne se manifestent pas de façon cohérente dans le vote canadien parce que la cohérence des intérêts de classes est absente. Une analyse des modèles log-linéaires confirme que l'appartenance de classe a bel et bien un effet sur le vote mais que cet effet est différent en nature et en intensité selon la situation de la région dans le système centre-périphérie. L'auteur analyse également l'impact de l'appartenance syndicale et celui de la langue sur l'interaction classe/région.
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39 To ensure that the results were not simply an artifact of the particular clustering algorithm chosen, a cross-validation was performed. The interpretation of the cluster solution was externally validated by comparing the six clusters on variables that were not used in the clustering, but which on theoretical grounds should be related to them (age structure and growth in the labour force).
40 The strong East-West division evident between the depressed and industrial peripheries, on the one hand, and the vulnerable and advantaged peripheries, on the other, helped to limit the possible confounding effects on the subsequent analysis of differences in the context of electoral politics between the Atlantic provinces and the West.
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52 See Fingleton, Models of Category Counts, 71. Just how much these are facts of Canadian life and not just artifacts of the sampling schemes used is demonstrated by the fact that an adequate fit actually could not be achieved without these terms.
53 A similarly conservative approach was applied to the problem of “sampling zeros” which can occur due to the small probabilities attached to some categories. Where sampling zeros were encountered here, the widely recommended solution was adopted of adding 0.5 to every observed cell frequency. On the problem of sampling zeros, see Knoke and Burke, Log-Linear Models, 63–65.
54 See Johnston, “Some Methodological Issues in the Study of ‘Class Voting,’” 151–52.
55 Fingleton, Models of Category Counts, 65.
56 Since the standardized residuals approximate standard normal deviates, any standardized residual exceeding ± 1.96 would be considered significant at the .05 level.
57 A test that all effects greater than a given order are equal to zero is performed by assessing the fit of a model containing all the effects of that order and their implied subordinate interactions. Since the models of full order are nested, the significance of the differences between these models can also be tested.
58 Numbers permitted the inclusion of Social Credit/Creditiste voters in this analysis. Whether these voters are included or not [SRLU][VSRL] still emerges as the “best” model.