Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gbm5v Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-26T22:01:55.907Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Neoliberalism, Authoritarian-Populism, and the “Photo-Op Democracy” of the Publicity State: Changes to Legislative and Parliamentary Norms by the Harper Government

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 January 2018

Honor Brabazon  and
Kirsten Kozolanka
Honor Brabazon*
Affiliation:
University of Toronto
Kirsten Kozolanka*
Affiliation:
Carleton University
*
Centre for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies, University of Toronto, 14 Queen's Park Crescent West, Toronto, Ontario, M5S 3K9, email: h.brabazon@utoronto.ca
School of Journalism and Communication, 4207 Richcraft Hall, Carleton University, 1125 Colonel By Drive, Ottawa, Ontario, K1S 5B6, email: kirsten.kozolanka@carleton.ca
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Abstract

Several recent reports seek to evaluate the impact of former Prime Minister Stephen Harper on Canadian democracy by documenting his government's efforts to curtail established democratic processes and mechanisms for public debate. However, this article uses examples of the Harper government's changes to legislative and parliamentary norms to demonstrate that this government's efforts to curtail multi-directional public debate were importantly accompanied by efforts to amplify unidirectional communication of the government's partisan messages. The paper finds that this corresponding emphasis on communication exemplified a “photo-op” approach to democracy, which highlights points of compatibility between the seemingly contradictory authoritarian-populist “publicity state” and neoliberal democratic ideals. This research demonstrates the necessity of attention to government communication in analysis of the Harper government's impact on the Canadian public sphere. It also illustrates the pragmatic rather than doctrinaire nature of New Right politics in Canada and the affinity between neoliberal and authoritarian-populist approaches to governance.

Résumé

Plusieurs rapports récents s'attachent à évaluer l'incidence qu'a eue l'ancien premier ministre Stephen Harper sur la démocratie canadienne en documentant les efforts de son gouvernement pour limiter les processus et les mécanismes démocratiques établis ouverts au débat public. Toutefois, cet article cite des exemples de modifications apportées par le gouvernement Harper à des normes législatives et parlementaires pour démontrer que les efforts déployés pour retreindre un débat public multidirectionnel se sont manifestement accompagnés d'efforts visant à amplifier la communication unidirectionnelle des messages partisans du gouvernement. L'article constate que l'accent correspondant mis sur la communication a exemplifié une approche de type « photo-op » de la démocratie qui fait ressortir des points de compatibilité entre, d'une part, le populisme autoritaire de l’État-publicité et, d'autre part, les idéaux démocratiques néolibéraux apparemment contradictoires. Cette recherche démontre la nécessité de l'attention portée à la communication gouvernementale dans l'analyse de l'incidence du gouvernement Harper dans la sphère publique canadienne. Il illustre également la nature pragmatique plutôt que doctrinaire de la politique de la Nouvelle droite au Canada et l'affinité entre les approches néolibérale et populiste autoritaire de la gouvernance.

Type
Research Article/Étude originale
Information
Canadian Journal of Political Science/Revue canadienne de science politique , Volume 51 , Issue 2 , June 2018 , pp. 253 - 277
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association (l'Association canadienne de science politique) and/et la Société québécoise de science politique 2018 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Aiello, Rachel. 2015. “We ‘Don't Have a Clue’ What's in Omnibus Bills, say MPs.” The Hill Times, March 2 https://www.hilltimes.com/2015/03/02/we-dont-have-a-clue-whats-in-omnibus-bills-say-mps/31225 (September 25).Google Scholar
Akin, David. 2007. “Parliamentary Press Gallery Proceedings.” David Akin's on the Hill, March 2, http://blogs.canoe.com/davidakin/page/5/?s=press+gallery+prime+minister (August 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Akin, David. 2016a. “Harper's (Lost) War on Science: The Documentary Record.” David Akin's On the Hill, August 21, http://blogs.canoe.com/davidakin/politics/harpers-lost-war-on-science-the-documentary-record/#.V7px6HRu0FI.facebook (August 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Akin, David. 2016b. “Muzzled Scientists? Trudeau Carries on Just Like Harper.” Toronto Sun, August 8, http://www.torontosun.com/2016/08/08/muzzled-scientists-trudeau-carries-on-just-like-harper# (August 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Albo, Greg and Fanelli, Carlo. 2014. “Austerity Against Democracy: An Authoritarian Phase of Neoliberalism?” Socialist Interventions Pamphlet Series, http://www.socialistproject.ca/documents/AusterityAgainstDemocracy.php (May 8, 2017).Google Scholar
Apple, Michael. 2000. “Between Neoliberalism and Neoconservatism: Education and Conservatism in a Global Context.” In Globalization and Education: Critical Perspectives, ed. Burbules, Nicholas C. and Torres, Carlos Alberto. New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Aucoin, Peter and Turnbull, Lori. 2008. “The Democratic Deficit: Paul Martin and Parliamentary Reform.” Canadian Public Administration 46 (4): 427–49.Google Scholar
Barlow, Maude. 2015. Broken Covenant: How Stephen Harper Set Out to Silence Dissent and Curtail Democratic Participation in Canada. Ottawa: The Council of Canadians.Google Scholar
Basen, Ira. 2006. “Spin Class: Harper's Attempt to Exorcize the Press Corps.” CBC News. http:www.cbc.ca/includes/printablestory.jsp (May 26).Google Scholar
Beeby, Dean. 2010. “Tories blocked Full Release of Sensitive Public Works Report.” The Globe and Mail (Toronto), February 7, A1.Google Scholar
Blanchfield, Mike. 2015. “Civil society coalition takes aim at Harper government for stifling dissent.” The Globe and Mail, June 16. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/civil-society-coalition-takes-aim-at-harper-government-for-stifling-dissent/article24976488/ (May 6, 2017).Google Scholar
Brabazon, Honor. 2017a. “Dissent in a Juridified Political Sphere.” In Neoliberal Legality: Understanding the Role of Law in the Neoliberal Project, ed. Brabazon, Honor. Abingdon UK: Routledge.Google Scholar
Brabazon, Honor. 2017b. “Introduction: Understanding Neoliberal Legality.” In Neoliberal Legality: Understanding the Role of Law in the Neoliberal Project, ed. Brabazon, Honor. Abingdon UK: Routledge.Google Scholar
Brennan, Shannon. 2012. “Police-reported crime statistics in Canada, 2011.” Ottawa: Government of Canada publications. http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/85-002-x/2012001/article/11692-eng.htm (February 16, 2015).Google Scholar
British Columbia Civil Liberties Association (BCCLA). 2015. “Bill C-51 submission, redux.” https://bccla.org/201/04/bill-c-51-submissions-redux/ (April 22).Google Scholar
Brown, Wendy. 2006. “American Nightmare: Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism, and De-Democratization.” Political Theory 34 (6): 690–714.Google Scholar
Brown, Wendy. 2015. Undoing the Demos: Neoliberalism, Neoconservatism. New York: Zone Books.Google Scholar
Bruff, Ian. 2016. “Authoritarian Neoliberalism and the Myth of Free Markets.” ROAR Magazine 4. https://roarmag.org/magazine/ian-bruff-authoritarian-neoliberalism/ (February 2, 2017).Google Scholar
Bureau, Brigitte. 2016. “Araignées et sacs de raisins: que fera Justin Trudeau pour le droit à l'information?” Radio Canada. ici.radio-canada.ca/regions/ottawa/2015/10/26/002-justin-trudeau-droit-public-information-billet-brigitte-bureau.html (October 26, 2016).Google Scholar
Cairns, James and Ferguson, Susan. 2011. “Human Rights Revisionism and the Canadian Parliamentary Coalition to Combat Antisemitism.” Canadian Journal of Communication 26 (3): 415–34.Google Scholar
Canada. 2005. Who is responsible? Phase 1 Report. [Gomery Report.] Commission of Inquiry into the Sponsorship Inquiry and Advertising Activities. Ottawa.Google Scholar
Canada. 2006. Communications Policy of the Government of Canada (revised 2012, rescinded 2016). https://www.tbs-sct.gc.ca/pol/doc-eng.aspx?id=12316 (August 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Canada. 2016a. Canada's international assistance review consultations. http://international.gc.ca/world-monde/development-developpement/iar-consultations-eai/index.aspx?lang=eng (July 9, 2016).Google Scholar
Canada. 2016b. Consulting with Canadians. http://www.cic.gc.ca/english/department/consultations/national.asp?_ga=1.144412019.734713133.1467904410 (July 9, 2016).Google Scholar
Canada. 2016c. Defence Policy Review. http://dgpaapp.forces.gc.ca/en/defence-policy-review/index.asp (July 9, 2016).Google Scholar
Canada. 2016d. Policy on Communications and Federal Identity. https://www.tbs-sct.gc.ca/pol/doc-eng.aspx?id=30683 (August 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Canada. 2016e. Strengthening Canadian Content Creation, Discovery and Export in a Digital World. http://canada.pch.gc.ca/eng/1460743584304 (July 9, 2016).Google Scholar
Canada. 2017. Reforming the Standing Orders of the House of Commons. https://www.canada.ca/en/leader-government-house-commons/services/reform-standing-orders-house-commons/2017/march.html (July 28, 2017).Google Scholar
Canadian Association of Journalists (CAJ). 2010. “An open letter to Canadian journalists.” http://www.caj.ca/an-open-letter-to-canadian-journalists/ (August 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Canadian Civil Liberties Association (CCLA). 2010. “Bill C-10, The Omnibus Crime Bill.” http://www.cla.org/omnibus-crime-bill-c-10/ (March 3, 2015).Google Scholar
Canadian Press (CP). 2013. “Stephen Harper vs. the ‘Ottawa Media Elite.’” Maclean's, October 19, http://www.macleans.ca/news/canada/stephen-harper-vs-the-ottawa-media-elite/ (August 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Chase, Steven. 2015. “Poilievre Criticized for Wearing Tory Logo at Government Announcement.” The Globe and Mail (Toronto), July 20. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/poilievre-wears-tory-shirt-while-announcing-child-benefit-payments/article25592748/ (September 18, 2016).Google Scholar
Cheadle, Bruce. 2013. “Tories back record number of private member's bills.” Globe & Mail (Toronto), May 8. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/tories-back-record-number-of-private-members-bills/article11797023/ (September 25).Google Scholar
Cook, Alana and Roesch, Ronald. 2012. “‘Tough on Crime’ Reforms: What Psychology Has to Say About the Recent and Proposed Justice Policy in Canada.” Canadian Psychology/Psychologie canadienne 53 (3): 217–25.Google Scholar
Coyne, Andrew. 2012. “Stephen Harper move to defund political charities might be partisan, but it's also right.” National Post (Toronto), May 4. http://news.nationalpost.com/full-comment/andrew-coyne-charity (May 6, 2017).Google Scholar
Coyne, Andrew. 2014. “We once had to wait weeks for a new Harper abuse of power. Now we're getting them two or three a day.” National Post (Toronto), June 6. http://news.nationalpost.com/full-comment/andrew-coyne-we-once-had-to-wait-weeks-for-a-new-harper-abuse-of-power-now-were-getting-them-two-or-three-a-day (May 6, 2017).Google Scholar
Daigneault, Pénélope, Soroka, Stuart and Giasson, Thierry. 2013. “The Perception of Political Advertising During an Election Campaign: A Measure of Cognitive and Emotional Effects.” Canadian Journal of Communication 38 (2): 167–6.Google Scholar
Debates (Hansard), Parliamentary Business. http://www.parl.gc.ca/HouseChamberBusiness/ChamberSittings.aspx?Key=2014&View=H&Language=E&Mode=1&Parl=41&Ses=2 (August 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Democracy Watch. 2016. “Federal Liberals’ Open Government Action Plan fails to fulfill Open Government Partnership (OGP) Membership Requirements—Fails to Commit to Strengthening Ethics, Lobbying, Political Finance, Public Consultation and Whistleblower Protection Laws and Enforcement.” http://democracywatch.ca/20160623-federal-liberals-open-government-action-plan-fails/ (July 9, 2016).Google Scholar
Di Fiore, James. 2016. “Contrast Between Photo-Op Justin and Policy Trudeau Is Night and Day.” Huffington Post, August 18. http://www.huffingtonpost.ca/james-di-fiore/justin-trudeau-transparency_b_11594200.html (September 18, 2016).Google Scholar
Ditchburn, Jennifer. 2014a. “Conservatives using prolific number of private member's bills to avoid proper vetting: NDP.” National Post (Toronto), July 3. http://news.nationalpost.com/news/canada/canadian-politics/conservatives-using-prolific-number-of-private-members-bills-to-avoid-proper-vetting-ndp (September 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Ditchburn, Jennifer. 2014b. “Journalistic Pathfinding: How the Parliamentary Press Gallery Adapted to News Management Under the Conservative Government of Stephen Harper.” Master's thesis. Carleton University, Ottawa, Ontario.Google Scholar
Ditchburn, Jennifer. 2017. “Trump versus the press: Canadian deja-vu.” Poynter, January 23. https://www.poynter.org/2017/trump-vs-the-media-canadian-deja-vu/446279/ (May 11, 2017).Google Scholar
Doob, Anthony N. 2014. “Losing our Balance.” John Ll. J. Edwards Lecture. Centre for Criminology and Sociolegal Studies, University of Toronto. Toronto, February 6.Google Scholar
Douglas, K. 2006. “The Access to Information Act and recent proposals for reform.” Publication no. 2005-55-E, Library of Parliament, Ottawa. http://www.parl.gc.ca/Content/LOP/ResearchPublications/2005-55-e.pdf (November 30, 2013).Google Scholar
Doyle, Simon. 2007. “PMO Clears Media Requests, Some Cabinet Ministers Not Allowed to Talk.” Hill Times (Ottawa), November 5.Google Scholar
Eliadis, Pearl. 2015. “Dismantling democracy: Stifling debate and dissent for civil society and Indigenous peoples.” In The Harper Record 2008–2015, ed. Teresa Healy and Stuart Trew. Ottawa: Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives. http://voices-voix.ca/sites/voices-voix.ca/files/harper_record_.pdf (May 11, 2017).Google Scholar
Flanagan, Tom. 2012. “Political Communication and the ‘Permanent Campaign.’” In How Canadians Communicate IV: Media and Politics, ed. Taras, David and Waddell, Christopher. Vancouver: UBC Press.Google Scholar
Foucault, Michel. 2008. The Birth of Biopolitics: Lectures at the Collège de France, 1978–79. Basingstoke UK: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Franks, C.E.S. 2010. “Omnibus Bills Subvert our Legislative Process.” The Globe and Mail (Toronto), July 15. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/globe-debate/omnibus-bills-subvert-our-legislative-process/article1387088/ (June 12, 2015).Google Scholar
Fraser, Nancy. 2017. “The End of Progressive Neoliberalism.” Dissent Magazine, January 2. https://www.dissentmagazine.org/online_articles/progressive-neoliberalism-reactionary-populism-nancy-fraser (May 8, 2017).Google Scholar
Gessen, Masha. 2016. “Autocracy: Rules for Survival.” New York Review of Books, November 10. http://www.nybooks.com/daily/2016/11/10/trump-election-autocracy-rules-for-survival/ (May 8, 2017).Google Scholar
Gunster, Shane and Saurette, Paul. 2014. “Storylines in the Sands: News, Narrative and Ideology in the Calgary Herald.” Canadian Journal of Communication 39 (3): 333–59.Google Scholar
Hansard. 2015. Minutes of Proceedings of Meeting No. 51 of the Standing Committee on Public Safety and National Security, Feb. 26. http://www.parl.gc.ca/HousePublications/Publication.aspx?Language=e&Mode=1&Parl=41&Ses=2&DocId=7863970 (August 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Harris, Michael. 2015. Party of One: Stephen Harper and Canada's Radical Makeover. Toronto: Viking.Google Scholar
Hayek, F.A. 1944. The Road to Serfdom. London and New York: Routledge.Google Scholar
Hayek, F.A. 1960. The Constitution of Liberty. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.Google Scholar
Hébert, Chantal. 2013. “Quebec government embraces Stephen Harper's approach to governance.” Toronto Star, September 20. https://www.thestar.com/news/gta/2013/09/20/quebec_government_embraces_stephen_harpers_approach_to_governance_hbert.html (May 6, 2017).Google Scholar
Herman, Edward S., and Chomsky, Noam. 1988. Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media. New York: Pantheon Books.Google Scholar
Hutt, W.H. 1930. The Theory of Collective Bargaining. London: P. S. King & Sons.Google Scholar
Information Commissioner of Canada. 2013. Annual Report 2012–2013. http://www.oic-ci.gc.ca/eng/annual-reports-rapports-annuel_2012-2013.aspx (September 10, 2016).Google Scholar
Isin, Egin. 1998. “Governing Toronto without Government: Liberalism and Neoliberalism.” Studies in Political Economy 56: 69–191.Google Scholar
Jeffrey, Brooke. 2015. Dismantling Canada: Stephen Harper's New Conservative Agenda. Montreal and Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press.Google Scholar
Jones, Brian Christopher and Shaheen, Randal. 2013. “Are Short Bill Titles a Form of Deceptive Advertising?” Huffington Post. http://www.huffingtonpost.com/brian-christopher-jones/are-short-bill-titles_b_2542818.html (March 26, 2016).Google Scholar
Koerber, Duncan. 2014. “Crisis Communication Response and Political Communities: The Unusual Case of Toronto Mayor Rob Ford.” Canadian Journal of Communication 39 (3): 311–31.Google Scholar
Kozolanka, Kirsten. 2007a. The Power of Persuasion: The Politics of the New Right in Ontario. Montreal: Black Rose Books.Google Scholar
Kozolanka, Kirsten. 2007b. “The Sponsorship Scandal as Communication: The Rise of Politicized and Strategic Communications in the Federal Government.” Canadian Journal of Communication 31 (2): 343–66.Google Scholar
Kozolanka, Kirsten. 2009. “Communication by Stealth: The New Common Sense in Government Communication.” In How Ottawa Spends 2009–2010: Economic Upheaval and Political Dysfunction, ed. Maslove, Allan. Montreal-Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press.Google Scholar
Kozolanka, Kirsten. 2012. “‘Buyer’ Beware: Pushing the Boundaries of Marketing Communications in Government.” In Political Marketing in Canada, ed. Marland, Alex, Giasson, Thierry and Lees-Marshment, Jennifer. Vancouver: UBC Press.Google Scholar
Kozolanka, Kirsten. 2014a. “Communicating for Hegemony: The Making of the Publicity State in Canada.” In Publicity and the Canadian State: Critical Communications Perspectives, ed. Kozolanka, Kirsten. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Kozolanka, Kirsten. 2014b. “Government Communication: In Whose Interest?” In Publicity and the Canadian State: Critical Communications Perspectives, ed. Kozolanka, Kirsten. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Lederman, Josh. 2010. “A bill's name is part of the game.” Medill Reports. http://newsarchive.medill.northwestern.edu/Chicago/news-166509-print.html (June 8, 2016).Google Scholar
Legault, Suzanne. 2016. Testimony before the Standing Committee on Access to Information, Privacy and Ethics, May 19. http://www.oic-ci.gc.ca/eng/media-room-salle-media_speeches-discours_2016_6.aspx (July 9, 2016).Google Scholar
Manasan, Althea. 2015. “RAQs: The Issue Around Muzzling Government Scientists.” CBC News, May 20, http://www.cbc.ca/news/technology/faq-the-issues-around-muzzling-government-scientists-1.3079537 (March 3, 2015).Google Scholar
Martin, Dianne. 1998. “Retribution Revisited: A Reconsideration of Feminist Criminal Law Reform Strategies.” Osgoode Hall Law Journal 36 (1): 151–88.Google Scholar
Massicotte, Louis. 2013. “Omnibus Bills in Theory and Practice.” Canadian Parliamentary Review Spring: 13–17.Google Scholar
McNally, David. 2011. Global Slump: The Economics and Politics of Crisis and Resistance. Oakland CA: PM Press.Google Scholar
Mirowski, Philip. 2013. Never Let a Serious Crisis Go Wasted: How Neoliberalism Survived the Financial Meltdown. London: Verso.Google Scholar
Naumetz, Tim. 2006. “Access Denied.” Ottawa Citizen (Ottawa), October 14, A1.Google Scholar
Ontario. 2016. Legislative Assembly. Bills and Lawmaking. http://www.ontla.on.ca/lao/en/bills/ (September 18, 2016).Google Scholar
Payton, Laura. 2016. “Liberals Threaten to Take Full Control of the House as Deadline Looms,” CTV News, May 18. http://www.ctvnews.ca/mobile/politics/liberals-threaten-to-take-full-control-of-the-house-as-deadline-looms-1.2907468 (July 8, 2016).Google Scholar
Professional Institute of the Public Service of Canada (PIPSC). 2016. “Unmuzzling Government Scientists,” http://www.pipsc.ca/portal/page/portal/website/issues/science/aaas (August 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Roberts, A.S. 2005. “Spin Control and Freedom of Information: Lessons for the United Kingdom from Canada,” Public Administration 83 (1): 1–23.Google Scholar
Rubin, Ken. 1996. “Early Warning System Undermines Access Requests.” Hill Times (Ottawa), November 4, 4.Google Scholar
Rubin, Ken. 2006. “Amber Alert: Access to Information Users Targeted as the Bad Kids on the Block.” Hill Times (Ottawa), October 2, 7.Google Scholar
Rubin, Ken. 2017. “Postponed transparency bill does little to promote access while government increases secrecy.” Hill Times (Ottawa), June 26, https://www.hilltimes.com/2017/06/26/much-postponed-transparency-bill-sets-back-access-government-increases-secrecy/111318 (July 28, 2017).Google Scholar
Rubin, Ken and Kozolanka, Kirsten. 2014. “Managing Information: Too Much Publicity, Not Enough Public Disclosure.” In Publicity and the Canadian State: Critical Communications Perspectives, ed. Kozolanka, Kirsten. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Savoie, Donald. 2003. Breaking the Bargain: Public Servants, Ministers, and Parliament. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Simons, H. 1944. “Some Reflections on Syndicalism.” Journal of Political Economy 52 (1).Google Scholar
Smith, Marie-Danielle. 2016. “He's Not Just Taking Selfies: Prime Minister Trudeau Putting His Face First with Almost Daily Photo-Ops.” National Post (Toronto), July 7, http://news.nationalpost.com/news/canada/canadian-politics/trudeau-averaging-a-photo-op-every-weekday-but-half-of-canadians-say-its-too-much-pr (July 8, 2016).Google Scholar
Snow, Dave and Moffitt, Benjamin. 2012. “Straddling the Divide: Mainstream Populism and Conservatism in Howard's Australia and Harper's Canada.” Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 50 (3): 271–92.Google Scholar
Statistics Canada. 2011. Uniform Crime Reporting Survey. http://www23.statcan.gc.ca/imdb/p2SV.pl?Function=getSurvey&Id=132543 (September 26, 2016).Google Scholar
Tansel, Cemal Burak. 2017. States of Discipline: Authoritarian Neoliberalism and the Contested Reproduction of Capitalist Order. London: Rowman & Littlefield.Google Scholar
Thorburn, Hugh, ed. 2001. Party Politics in Canada. Toronto: Prentice-Hall.Google Scholar
Varma, Kimberly and Marinos, Voula. 2013. “Three Decades of Public Attitudes Research on Crime and Punishment in Canada.” Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice 55 (4): 549–62.Google Scholar
Voices/Voix. 2015. Dismantling Democracy: Stifling Debate and Dissent in Canada 2015. http://voices-voix.ca/sites/voices-voix.ca/files/dismantlingdemocracy_voicesvoix.pdf (September 18, 2016).Google Scholar
Wheeldon, Johannes and McBrien, Alex. 2014. “(Mis)Representing the 2008 Prorogation: Agendas, Frames, and Debates in Canada's Mediacracy.” Canadian Journal of Communication 39 (3): 431–48.Google Scholar
Wherry, Aaron. 2016. “Liberals Criticized for Using Time Allocation to Limit Debate.” CBC News, May 11, http://www.cbc.ca/news/politics/wherry-time-allocation-1.3575754 (July 8, 2016).Google Scholar
Whittington, Les. 2015. “‘Government by Photo Op’: How Stephen Harper Froze Out Ottawa's Press Corps.” Toronto Star, June 21, https://www.thestar.com/news/insight/2015/06/21/government-by-photo-op-how-stephen-harper-froze-out-ottawas-press-corps.html (August 25, 2016).Google Scholar
Wiseman, Nelson. 2007. “Media: The Message and the Messengers.” Hill Times (Ottawa), 11: 37, December 1.Google Scholar