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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 10 November 2009
1 Mallet, Serge, La nouvelle classe ouvrière (Paris, 1969Google Scholar).
2 Ibid., 42.
3 Weber, Max, “Class, Status and Party,” in Gerth, Hans and Mills, C. Wright, From Max Weber (New York, 1958Google Scholar).
4 Economy and Society (New York, 1968), I, 305.
5 L'ouvrier d'aujourd'hui (Paris, 1966), 92.
6 (Boston, 1965), 168–207.
7 Samuel Barnes also found that within the Italian Socialist party those persons who had more education were less Marxist and that this could be explained by political efficacy. Party Democracy: Politics in an Italian Socialist Federation (New Haven, 1967), 179.
8 Georges Burdeau, La Démocratic (Paris, n.d.), 23–33.
9 Ehrmann, Henry W., “Direct Democracy in France,” American Political Science Review, 57 (1965), 883–4.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
10 Williams, Philip M., Crisis and Compromise: Politics in the Fourth Republic (London, 1964Google Scholar), appendix 7.
11 Aron, Raymond, The Century of Total War (Boston, 1955), 242.Google Scholar Aron discusses the logic of the Left's criticism of the idea that the deputies rule in the general interest in terms of Left opposition to democracy. We propose that this is also the logic of the Democratic Left.
12 “De Gaulle and the Parties,” doctoral dissertation, Washington University in St Louis, 1968.
13 As France has been largely governed by parties of the Centre and Right since the Revolution so that the Communist party and other Left parties feel themselves excluded from the political system, they feel that the state is alien because it is in the hands of their class enemies. We are privileging a lack of subjective competence as the source of a feeling that the state is alien here because it is the basis of a perception that the upper class is alien. Because the worker with a primary education feels that his style of life is looked down upon by the upper class he feels that this class is alien. It is his perception that this alien class which controls government does not grant him the personal recognition which leads to a sense of personal efficacy that leads to his subjective incompetence.
14 Economy and Society, vol. 1, 251.
15 La nouvelle classe ouvrière, 17.
16 The degree to which parliament is seen as a democratic institution allowing the citizen some influence on the government by the Left is seen in the fact that the Communist ideologue Pierre le Brun included parliament's discussing the plan in his proposals for democratic planning. Questions actuelles de syndicalisme (Paris, 1965).
17 Mallet feels that the new working class will be radical in its trade-union politics but conservative in its politics with regard to the state. (La nouvelle classe owrière, 15, 41). We see this “political conservatism” in terms of his parliamentarianism. It flows directly from his radicalism in the firm and is in a sense a militantism in the Gaullist régime.
18 We use phi because it measures the degree to which all AS are BS and all non-AS are non-BS. This concentration along the diagonal is closest to our concept of causality. The choice of this measure means that our coefficients are smaller than they would be with other measures. It also means that we can only speak of causality as a slightly greater probability that AS will be BS and non-AS will be non-BS. Weber claimed no greater definition for the causality of conscious rationalizations in that he saw other factors as perturbing causes as well. In this sense, our interpretations are ideal types. They represent a logical representation of causal relations in terms of conscious rationalizations which explain the real world only with a low level of probability.
19 Dupeux, Georges, “Le comportement des électeurs français de 1958 à 1962,” Revue française de science politique, 14 (1964), 52–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar, for a discussion of party changes in the Gaullist régime.
20 Partisans (May-June 1968), 125.
21 A Fondation nationale de science politique survey does not find that the technicians (defined in terms of occupation) place a priority on autogestion and on control of the firm by the personnel or the union when expressed in these militantly ideological terms. This is in contradiction to our interpretation of their support for the CFDT. However it finds that when worker control is expressed concretely in terms of influence over the organization of production, organization of work positions, and internal discipline they were the most militant. This is in agreement with our position that they reject authority in the production process because they feel they have a prowess in this domain. Adam, Gerard, “Introduction à un débat sur la nouvelle classe ouvrière,” Revue française de science politique, 22 (1972).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
22 La nouvelle classe ouvrière, 41.
23 Ibid.
24 Aron, Raymond also sees the political system as independent from particular socio-economic conditions. “Les sociologues et les institutions représentatives,” Archives européennes de sociologie, I (1960), 152.Google Scholar He would perhaps agree with us that this is in part due to the fact that political ideologies are articulated by ideologues rather than being spontaneously generated by socio-economic conditions in that he sees the ways of thinking of a society determined by intellectuals and party ideologues whom he defines as part of the governing élites. “Classe sociale, classe politique, classe dirigeante,” Archives européennes de sociologie, I (1960), 269. The independence of political movements from spontaneously generated consciousness is also commented upon by Touraine, , La conscience ouvrière (Paris: Editions du seuil, 1966), 345.Google Scholar
25 A survey conducted by the Fondation nationale des sciences politiques, at the time of the 1969 presidential elections, found that the technicians (defined in terms of occupation) represented a greater proportion of the votes for Michel Rocard, the secretary general of the Parti Socialiste Unifié (PSU) than other workers, although an even larger proportion of them voted for Pompidou. We propose that the vote for the PSU secretary-general represents a militant parliamentarism for control of the economy and of authority within the firm. As a high proportion of Gaullist votes were found because the desire to control the economy is of course conditional upon seeing that the plan does indeed control the economy and upon seeing that the person has influence through electing persons on the Left. Adam, “Introduction à un débat,” 515–16.