Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-s2hrs Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-10T10:25:05.109Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Why Canada Goes to War: Explaining Combat Participation in US-led Coalitions

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  30 April 2019

Justin Massie*
Affiliation:
Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Quebec in Montreal. C.P. 8888, Succ. Centre-ville, Montréal, Québec, H3C 3P8
*
*Corresponding author. E-mail: massie.justin@uqam.ca

Abstract

Canada has taken part in six wars since 1945, all of which have been conducted under US leadership. Despite such military interventionism, there have been no systematic comparative analyses of Canada's decisions to take part in US-led wars. The objective of this article is to develop and test a theoretical framework about why Canada goes to war. More specifically, it seeks to account for variations in Canada's provision of combat forces to multinational interventions led by the United States. It assesses leading theoretical explanations by examining five post–Cold War cases: the wars in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Libya; the war against ISIS; and the refusal to take part in the invasion of Iraq. The article concludes that Canada's willingness to go to war is shaped primarily by a desire to maintain transatlantic alliance unity and enhance Canada's alliance credibility. Threats to national security, the legitimacy of the intervention, government ideology and public opinion are not found to consistently or meaningfully shape Canadian decisions to take part in US-led wars.

Résumé

Le Canada a participé à six guerres, depuis 1945, au sein de coalitions multinationales dirigées par les États-Unis. Malgré cet interventionnisme militaire, peu d’études ont cherché à cerner les motivations qui amènent le Canada à faire la guerre. L'objectif de cet article est d'offrir un cadre analytique capable d'expliquer pourquoi le Canada fait la guerre. Il propose une comparaison structurée et ciblée de six décisions de prendre part, ou non, à des opérations de combat au sein d'une coalition militaire dirigée par les États-Unis, au Kosovo, en Irak, en Afghanistan, en Libye et contre le groupe État islamique. L'article démontre que le Canada semble faire la guerre principalement pour deux raisons complémentaires : afin d'assurer l'unité de l'Alliance transatlantique ainsi que son statut d'allié fiable. En contrepartie, les menaces contre la sécurité nationale, la légitimité de l'intervention militaire, l'idéologie du gouvernement et l'opinion publique n'ont pas influé de manière systématique ou significative sur la décision de faire la guerre.

Type
Research Article/Étude originale
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Political Science Association (l'Association canadienne de science politique) and/et la Société québécoise de science politique 2019 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abacus. 2011. “Canadians Split over Mission in Libya.” Abacus Data Poll, June 23–24: abacusdata.ca/wp-content/uploads/2011/06/Libya-June-2011.pdf (April 12, 2019).Google Scholar
Anderson, Bruce and Coletto, David. 2014. “Public Opinion on Stephen Harper's Approach to Foreign Affairs.” Abacus Data, September 22. http://abacusdata.ca/harpers-approach-foreign-affairs-isis-threat/ (February 2, 2017).Google Scholar
Ashford, Emma M. 2017. “Hegemonic Blackmail: Entrapment in Civil War Intervention.” Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 23 (3): 218–31.Google Scholar
Arena, Philip, and Palmer, Glenn. 2009. “Politics or the Economy? Domestic Correlates of Dispute Involvement in Developed Democracies.” International Studies Quarterly 53 (4): 955975.Google Scholar
Auerswald, David P. 2000. Disarmed Democracies: Domestic Institutions and the Use of Force. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.Google Scholar
Auerswald, David P. 2004. “Explaining Wars of Choice: An Integrated Decision Model of NATO Policy in Kosovo.” International Studies Quarterly 48 (3): 631662.Google Scholar
Auerswald, David P. and Saideman, Stephen M.. 2014. NATO in Afghanistan: Fighting Together, Fighting Alone. Princeton: Princeton University Press.Google Scholar
Baltrusaitis, Daniel F. 2010. Coalition Politics and the Iraq War: Determinants of Choice. Boulder: First Forum Press.Google Scholar
Becker-Jakob, Una. 2013. “Canada: Standing on Guard for International Law and Human Security?” In The Militant Face of Democracy: Liberal Force for Good, ed. Geis, Anna, Müller, Harald and Schörnig, Niklas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Google Scholar
Bennett, Andrew, Lepgold, Joseph and Unger, Danny. 1994. “Burden-Sharing in the Persian Gulf War.” International Organization 48 (1): 3975.Google Scholar
Binzer Hobolt, Sara and Klemmensen, Robert. 2008. “Government Responsiveness and Political Competition in Comparative Perspective.” Comparative Political Studies 41 (3): 309–37.Google Scholar
Blanchfield, Michael, 2011. “Canada Rejects G8 Action on Libya No-Fly Zone.” CTV News, March 16. https://www.ctvnews.ca/canada-rejects-g8-action-on-libya-no-fly-zone-1.619416 (April 12, 2019).Google Scholar
Boucher, Jean-Christophe and Nossal, Kim Richard. 2017. The Politics of War: Canada's Afghanistan Mission, 2001–14. Vancouver: UBC Press.Google Scholar
Budge, Ian, and Klingemann, Hans-Dieter. 2001. “Finally! Comparative Over-Time Mapping of Party Policy Movement.” In Mapping Policy Preferences, ed. Budge, Ian, Klingemann, Hans-Dieter, Volkens, Andrea, Bara, Judith and Tanenbaum, Eric. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
Bueno de Mesquita, Bruce and Siverson, Randolph. 1995. “War and the Survival of Political Leaders: A Comparative Study of Regime Types and Political Accountability.” American Political Science Review 89 (4): 841–55.Google Scholar
Canada. Parliament. 1999. House of Commons Debates. Hansard, vol. 135, no. 205A. Ottawa: Parliament of Canada, April 12.Google Scholar
Canada. Parliament. 2011. House of Commons Debates. Hansard, vol. 146, no. 20. Ottawa: Parliament of Canada, September 21.Google Scholar
Canada. Parliament. 2014. House of Commons Debates. Hansard, vol. 147, no. 122. Ottawa: Parliament of Canada, October 3.Google Scholar
Canada. Parliament. 2015. House of Commons Debates. Hansard, vol. 147, no. 188. Ottawa: Parliament of Canada, March 24.Google Scholar
Chase, Steven. 2015. “Commons set to debate military mission in Syria.” The Globe and Mail, March 26, A4.Google Scholar
Chrétien, Jean. 2008. My Years as Prime Minister. Toronto: Vintage.Google Scholar
Cimbala, Stephen J. and Forster, Peter K.. 2010. Multinational Military Intervention: NATO Policy, Strategy and Burden Sharing. Burlington: Ashgate.Google Scholar
Clark, Campbell. 2015. “No Matter What the Question Is, Tories Have an Answer: Terrorists.” Globe and Mail, March 9. http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/politics/globe-politics-insider/tories-find-power-in-the-politics-of-terror/article23353503/ (January 10, 2017).Google Scholar
Clark, Campbell and Chase, Steven. 2014. “Canada Is ‘Willing to Act.’” The Globe and Mail, September 4, A6.Google Scholar
Cochrane, Christopher. 2010. “Left/Right Ideology and Canadian Politics.” Canadian Journal of Political Science 43 (3): 503605.Google Scholar
Cochrane, Christopher. 2015. Left and Right: The Small World of Political Ideas. Montreal: McGill-Queen's Press.Google Scholar
Cooper, Andrew F. and Nossal, Kim Richard. 1997. “The Middle Powers in the Gulf Coalition: Australia, Canada, and the Nordics Compared.” In Friends in Need: Burden Sharing in the Persian Gulf War, ed. Bennett, Andrew, Lepgold, Joseph and Unger, Danny. New York: St. Martin's Press.Google Scholar
Cooper, Andrew F., Higgott, Richard A. and Nossal, Kim Richard. 1991. “Bound to Follow? Leadership and Followership in the Gulf Conflict.” Political Science Quarterly 106 (3): 391410.Google Scholar
Davidson, Jason W. 2011. America's Allies and War: Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq. New York: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Dieterich, Sandra, Hummel, Hartwig, and Marschall, Stefan. 2015. “Bringing Democracy Back In: The Democratic Peace, Parliamentary War Powers and European Participation in the 2003 Iraq War.” Cooperation and Conflict 50 (1): 87106.Google Scholar
Eichenberg, Richard C. 1989. Public Opinion and National Security in Western Europe. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.Google Scholar
Forum Poll. 2014. “Two Thirds Agree with Iraq Mission and Goals.” Forum Research, November 23. http://poll.forumresearch.com/post/189/two-thirds-agree-with-iraq-mission-and-goals/ (February 2, 2017).Google Scholar
George, Alexander L. and Bennett, Andrew. 2005. Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Sciences. Cambridge: MIT Press.Google Scholar
Gidengil, Elizabeth, Nevitte, Neil, Blais, André, Everitt, Joanna and Fournier, Patrick. 2012. Dominance and Decline: Making Sense of Recent Canadian Elections. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Graham, Bill. 2016. The Call of the World: A Political Memoir. Vancouver: UBC Press.Google Scholar
Haesebrouck, Tim. 2017. “NATO Burden Sharing in Libya: A Fuzzy Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis.” Journal of Conflict Resolution 61 (10): 2235–61.Google Scholar
Haesebrouck, Tim. 2018a. “Democratic Participation in the Air Strikes against Islamic State: A Qualitative Comparative Analysis.” Foreign Policy Analysis 14 (2): 254–75.Google Scholar
Haesebrouck, Tim. 2018b. “National Behaviour in Multilateral Military Operations.” Political Studies Review 16 (2): 102–12.Google Scholar
Haglund, David and Sens, Allen. 2000. “Kosovo and the Case of the (Not So) Free Riders: Portugal, Belgium, Canada and Spain.” In Kosovo and the Challenges of Humanitarian Intervention: Selective Indignation, Collective Action and International Citizenship, ed. Schnabel, Albrecht and Thakur, Ramesh. Tokyo: United Nations University Press.Google Scholar
Hardin, Russell. 1982. Collective Action. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.Google Scholar
Harper, Stephen. 2011.“Statement by the Prime Minister of Canada on the Situation in Libya”. Office of the Prime Minister of Canada, March 18. http://webarchive.bac-lac.gc.ca:8080/wayback/20131003094006/http://www.pm.gc.ca/eng/media.asp?category=3&featureId=6&pageId=49&id=4048.Google Scholar
Heinbecker, Paul. 1999. “Human Security.” Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 7 (1): 1925.Google Scholar
Heinbecker, Paul and McRae, Rob. 2001. “Case Study: The Kosovo Air Campaign.” In Human Security and the New Diplomacy, ed. McRae, Rob and Hubert, Don. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.Google Scholar
Ireland, Michael J. and Gartner, Scott Sigmund. 2001. “Government Type and Conflict Initiation in Parliamentary Systems.” The Journal of Conflict Resolution 45 (5): 547568.Google Scholar
Ipsos. 2011. “Assessment of NATO's Military Intervention in Libya.” A Global @dvisory G@20, May 2011. https://www.ipsos.com/sites/default/files/news_and_polls/2011-05/5234-ppt.pdf (April 12, 2019).Google Scholar
Jockel, Joseph T. and Massie, Justin. 2017. “In or Out? Canada, the Netherlands, and Support of the Invasion of Iraq.” Comparative Strategy 36 (2): 166–81.Google Scholar
Klingemann, Hans-Dieter, Hofferbert, Richard I. and Budge, Ian. 1994. Parties, Policies, and Democracy. Boulder: Westview.Google Scholar
Lagassé, Philippe. 2016. “The Constitutional Politics of Parliament's Role in International Policy.” In The Harper Era in Canadian Foreign Policy, ed. Chapnick, Adam and Kukucha, Christopher. Vancouver: UBC Press.Google Scholar
Lagassé, Philippe and Saideman, Stephen M.. 2017. “Public Critic or Secretive Monitor: Party Objectives and Legislative Oversight of the Military in Canada.” West European Politics 40 (1): 119–38.Google Scholar
Lerhe, Eric J. 2012. Canada-US Military Interoperability: At What Cost Sovereignty? Unpublished doctoral dissertation. Dalhousie University. Halifax, Nova Scotia.Google Scholar
McInnis, Kathleen J. 2015. “Coalition Contributions to Countering the Islamic State,” Congressional Research Service 7-5700, August 4. https://fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/R44135.pdf (April 12, 2019).Google Scholar
Manulak, Michael W. 2009. “Canada and the Kosovo Crisis: A ‘Golden Moment’ in Canadian Foreign Policy?International Journal 64 (2): 565–81.Google Scholar
Manulak, Michael W. 2011. Canada and the Kosovo Crisis: An Agenda for Intervention. Centre for International Relations, Queen's University, Kingston, Ontario.Google Scholar
Martin, Paul. 2009. Hell or High Water: My Life in and out of Politics. Toronto: Emblem Editions.Google Scholar
Massie, Justin. 2008. “Regional Strategic Subcultures: Canadians and the Use of Force in Afghanistan and Iraq.” Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 14 (2): 1948.Google Scholar
Massie, Justin. 2013. Francosphère: l'importance de la France dans la culture stratégique du Canada. Montréal: Presses de l'Université du Québec.Google Scholar
Massie, Justin. 2016. “Why Democratic Allies Defect Prematurely: Canadian and Dutch Unilateral Pullouts from the War in Afghanistan.” Democracy and Security 12 (2): 85113.Google Scholar
Massie, Justin and Brizic, Darko. 2014. “Rupture idéologique et redéfinition de l'identité internationale du Canada: Harper et Chrétien face aux guerres en Libye et au Kosovo.” Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 20 (1): 1928.Google Scholar
Massie, Justin and Zyla, Benjamin. 2018. “Alliance Value and Status Enhancement: Explaining Canada's Disproportionate Military Burdensharing in Afghanistan.” Politics & Policy 46 (2): 320–44.Google Scholar
Murray, Robert W. and McCoy, John. 2010. “From Middle Power to Peacebuilder: The Use of the Canadian Forces in Modern Canadian Foreign Policy.” American Review of Canadian Studies 40 (2): 171188.Google Scholar
Mello, Patrick A. 2014. Democratic Participation in Armed Conflict: Military Involvement in Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
National Defence Act. 1985. Art. 31 (1). https://laws-lois.justice.gc.ca/eng/acts/N-5/index.html (November 21, 2018).Google Scholar
Nossal, Kim Richard. 2013. “The Use—and Misuse—of R2P: The Case of Canada.” In Libya, The Responsibility to Protect and the Future of Humanitarian Intervention, ed. Hehir, Aidan and Murray, Robert. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.Google Scholar
Nossal, Kim Richard and Roussel, Stéphane. 2000. “Canada and the Kosovo War: The Happy Follower.” In Alliance Politics, Kosovo and NATO's War: Allied Force or Forced Allies, ed. Martin, Pierre and Brawley, Mark. New York: Palgrave.Google Scholar
Oma, Ida M. 2012. “Explaining States’ Burden-Sharing Behaviour within NATO.” Cooperation and Conflict 47 (4): 562–73.Google Scholar
Palmer, Glenn, London, Tamar and Regan, Patrick. 2004. “What's Stopping You?: The Sources of Political Constraints on International Conflict Behavior in Parliamentary Democracies.” International Interactions 30 (1): 124.Google Scholar
Paquin, Jonathan, Massie, Justin and Beauregard, Philippe. 2017. “Transatlantic Leadership Style under Obama: Or How to Enable French Leaders in Libya and Mali.” Journal of Transatlantic Studies 15 (2): 184206.Google Scholar
Pelletier, Laura and Massie, Justin. 2019. “La guerre en election: Dynamiques électorales de la participation du Canada à la guerre contre Daech.” In Démocratie et politiques publiques, ed. Couture, Jérôme and Jacob, Steve. Québec: Presses de l'Université Laval.Google Scholar
Rathbun, Brian C. 2004. Partisan Interventions: European Party Politics and Peace Enforcement in the Balkans. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.Google Scholar
Rathbun, Brian C. 2007. “Hierarchy and Community at Home and Abroad: Evidence of a Common Structure of Domestic and Foreign Policy Beliefs in American Elites.” Journal of Conflict Resolution 51 (3): 379407.Google Scholar
Ringsmose, Jens. 2010. “NATO Burden-Sharing Redux: Continuity and Change after the Cold War.” Contemporary Security Policy 31 (2): 319338.Google Scholar
Roussel, Stéphane and Robichaud, Chantal. 2004. “L’État post-moderne par excellence? Internationalisme et promotion de l'identité internationale du Canada.” Études internationales 35 (1): 149–70.Google Scholar
Saideman, Stephen M. 2016. Adapting in the Dust: Lessons Learned from Canada's War in Afghanistan. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar
Schmitt, Olivier. 2018. Allies That Count: Junior Partners in Coalition Warfare. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.Google Scholar
Sokolsky, Joel J. 1989. “A Seat at the Table: Canada and Its Alliances.” Armed Forces & Society 16 (1): 1135.Google Scholar
Stein, Janice Gross and Lang, Eugene. 2007. The Unexpected War: Canada in Kandahar. Toronto: Penguin Books.Google Scholar
Tago, Atsushi. 2007. “Why Do States Join U.S.-Led Military Coalitions? The Compulsion of the Coalition's Mission and Legitimacy.” International Relations of the Asia-Pacific 7 (2): 179202.Google Scholar
von Hlatky, Stéfanie. 2013. American Allies in Times of War: The Great Asymmetry. Oxford: Oxford University Press.Google Scholar
von Hlatky, Stéfanie and Massie, Justin. 2019. “Ideology, Ballots, and Alliances: Canadian Participation in Multinational Military Operations.” Contemporary Security Policy 40 (1): 101–15.Google Scholar
von Riekhoff, Harald. 2002. “Canada and the United Nations Security Council, 1999–2000: A Reassessment.” Canadian Foreign Policy Journal 10 (1): 71106.Google Scholar
Willis, Matthew. 2011. “Canada in Regional Command South: Alliance Dynamics and National Imperatives.” Whitehall Papers 77 (1): 4967.Google Scholar
Wingrove, Josh. 2014. “Canada Stops Short of Offering Humanitarian Aid to Iraq.” The Globe and Mail, August 9, A3.Google Scholar
Zyla, Benjamin. 2012. “Canada and Collective Action in Afghanistan: Theory Meets Practice.” In Statebuilding in Afghanistan: Multinational Contributions to Reconstruction, ed. Hynek, Nik and Marton, Peter. London: Routledge.Google Scholar
Zyla, Benjamin. 2015. Sharing the Burden? NATO and Its Second-Tier Powers. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.Google Scholar