Institutionnaliser l'évaluation des politiques publiques. Étude comparée des dispositifs en Belgique, en France, en Suisse et aux Pays-Bas, Jacob, Steve, Bruxelles, Presses interuniversitaires européennes, coll. Cité européenne, no 35, 2005, 271 pages.

L'évaluation des politiques publiques est monnaie courante dans la plupart des démocraties occidentales. Les études présentant des expériences nationales d'évaluation ne manquent pas; par contre, les analyses comparées demeurent peu nombreuses. Le livre de Steve Jacob pose le problème de l'institutionnalisation de l'évaluation dans quatre pays européens (France, Belgique, Suisse et Pays-Bas). En étudiant attentivement l'évolution de l'évaluation dans ces quatre pays, on découvre qu'elle emprunte des chemins variés reflétant les spécificités nationales. L'auteur pose l'hypothèse dans son livre que ce développement de l'évaluation est tributaire du milieu (type d'État et caractéristiques des acteurs importants) dans lequel il se réalise.

Haile Selassie, Western Education and Political Revolution in Ethiopia, Paulos Milkias, Youngstown NY: Cambria Press, 2006, pp. xxii, 364.

Paulos Milkias explores Ethiopia's 1974 revolution, focusing on the role of ideas in driving political change. The core of the book explains the political forces that led to the overthrow of Emperor Haile Selassie I, ending Ethiopia's 3,000-year-old hereditary feudal order and the installation of a military government led by a committee known as the Derg (or Dergue), headed by Mengistu Haile Mariam. The final sections of the book cover the complex and bloody consolidation of the Derg's rule and that government's demise seventeen years later, overthrown by a coalition of revolutionary movements seeking autonomy from Ethiopia's centralized, authoritarian government.

Democracy and Excellence: Concord or Conflict?, Joseph Romance and Neil Reimer, eds., Westport CN: Praeger, 2005, 166, pp. xiv.

This volume is the product of a question, asked by Neal Reimer, about the relationship between democracy and excellence. Reimer provides background for this relationship in the first chapter, noting that it can be framed as government by the people versus standards of the good, true and beautiful. Conflict can arise between the two ideas because democracy prioritizes equality of citizens—but excellence depends upon the recognition of differentiating merit. While democracy provides citizens freedom from a limiting class structure, the lack of structure can make citizens indifferent to pursuing a noble vision of the state. Reimer argues, however, that there is a fundamental harmony between democracy and excellence and that examples of excellence in democratic societies (such as the United States) are many. It is possible and likely that democratic societies will attain excellence in practice.

Courts and Federalism: Judicial Doctrine in the United States, Australia, and Canada, Gerald Baier, Vancouver and Toronto: UBC Press, 2006, pp. 207.

Is everything old new again? Gerald Baier's insightful book brings back into the mainstream a long neglected examination of federalism from the perspective of judicial review. His analysis of the courts' impact on the development of federalism involves a detailed study of division of powers jurisprudence in the United States, Australia, and Canada. In each of these countries, Baier argues, the decisions of the highest courts continue to affect the shape of federalism, but his central claim turns on how these decisions are made. For Baier, judicial doctrine plays a significant role in influencing the reasoning of the courts and must be considered an independent variable worthy of study in its own right. Many scholars have debated the significance of doctrine on judicial decision making. However, Baier takes issue with scholars who, on the one hand, have characterized doctrine as a tool of objectivity and certainty, and those, on the other hand, who view doctrine as entirely political in nature (27). For Baier, doctrine is neither of these but it is “distinctly legal in character” and it is this legal reasoning that shapes outcomes (27).

Democracy, Society and the Governance of Security, Jennifer Wood and Benoît Dupont, eds., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. 291.

This edited volume engages the question of security from a critical perspective, with an emphasis on sociology and criminology. The various chapters and overall argument, however, should be of considerable interest to political scientists, especially those seeking a broader understanding of international and domestic security. Specifically, contributors suggest that security is no longer a state-centric concept and is now a by-product of a wide range of public and private interests, including governments, corporations and community-based organizations. The collection includes a diverse range of chapters examining transnational commercial security providers (Johnston), inter-agency anti-terrorist networks (Manning), external stakeholders and police organizations (Dupont), linkages between health and security (Burris), and “enclosed” security areas, such as gated communities and privately owned shopping centres (Crawford). As a unifying theme, the editors question the relevance of democratic values in this “pluralized field of delivery.” The goal is to examine these issues by “integrating explanatory and normative theory” (1).

The Courts, Ian Greene, The Canadian Democratic Audit Series; Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2006, pp. xvii, 182.

This book is another welcome addition to the Canadian Democratic Audit Series. It sets out to assess the democratic credentials of Canada's judiciary—a most significant branch of government in post-1982 Canada. The book's approach is refreshing in several respects. Instead of the traditional focus on the well-rehearsed debate over the questionable democratic credentials of judicial review, the book attempts to evaluate the adequacy of the Canadian court system in relation to three basic tenets of democracy: participation, inclusiveness, and responsiveness. Unlike most accounts of Canadian political institutions, it pays due attention to elements of the court system beyond the Supreme Court of Canada. In so doing, Greene is able to assess more accurately whether the Canadian judiciary as a whole is living up to that set of reasonable democratic expectations.

State Feminism and Political Representation, Joni Lovenduski, ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp. xix, 315.

Lovenduski's edited volume is an 11-country (10 western European countries and the US), analysis of the effects of women's policy agencies on efforts to increase the representation of women in the political process—in legislatures, on party lists and in public administration. The book is the product of a 10-year collaboration among scholars involved in the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State and it exhibits the rich rewards that such a lengthy and involved affiliation among like-minded scholars can produce.

The Case for the Enlightenment: Scotland and Naples 1680–1760, John Robertson, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005, pp.xii, 455.

In this book, John Robertson, University Lecturer in Modern History and Fellow at St. Hugh's College, Oxford, does several things all at once. The result is one of the most profound and illuminating studies in comparative historical analysis and political thought published in recent decades.

Un modèle québécois? Gouvernance et participation dans la gestion publique, Pierre Hamel et Bernard Jouve, Montréal : Les Presses de l'Université de Montréal, 2006, 142 pages.

Expression consacrée en études québécoises, le “ modèle québécois ” fait ponctuellement l'objet de débats plus ou moins éclairés, au gré de l'évolution des affaires publiques au Québec. Par exemple, alors que le Parti libéral du Québec (PLQ) proposait une rupture définitive avec le modèle québécois lors de la campagne électorale de 1998, il visait plutôt à le réformer de fond en comble pour mieux le préserver lors de la campagne électorale de 2003, pour finalement s'en faire le défenseur aujourd'hui, dans le contexte de la campagne électorale de 2007. Le Parti québécois (PQ), de son côté, n'a pas fait preuve de beaucoup plus de constance durant cette même décennie, particulièrement durant les années Bouchard (1996–2001), bien que sa rhétorique politique présente toujours le modèle québécois comme un acquis historique d'envergure dont il faut développer les principales caractéristiques. Bref, tantôt porté aux nues, tantôt obnubilé, le modèle québécois demeure porteur d'enjeux politiques structurants et représente un objet d'étude à peu près obligatoire pour quiconque s'intéresse à la politique québécoise. Dans la mesure où elle vise à enrichir notre compréhension de certaines composantes fondamentales du modèle québécois, plus précisément en ce qui concerne “ l'évolution des formes institutionnelles de la participation des usagers/citoyens dans les secteurs de la santé et de l'éducation ”, la contribution de Hamel et Jouve est certes bienvenue. De quelle manière toutefois enrichit-elle l'abondante littérature sur le modèle québécois?

The Success of Open Source, Steven Weber, Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2004, pp. viii, 312.

The phenomenon of open source software produced by distributed networks of largely volunteer computer programmers has been studied by legal scholars, economists, sociologists, anthropologists and computer scientists but has to date not drawn significant attention from political scientists. Steven Weber's book undertakes a political economic analysis of this topic. Weber attempts to address the questions of what incentives establish and sustain co-operation in the absence of direct monetary rewards and how a system of governance develops despite the lack of conventional exclusionary property rights.

Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut, Peter Kulchyski, Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 2005, pp. xi, 305.

Much of the existing literature on politics in the Northwest Territories (Denendeh) and Nunavut focuses on the dynamics of political, economic and social change at the territorial level of government. This is especially true if one considers the case of Nunavut. In recent years, a number of books and articles have deepened our understanding of territorial politics and the evolving relationship between the territories and other levels of government in Canada. Very few studies, however, have examined political developments in the territories from the perspective of community politics. Like the Sound of a Drum: Aboriginal Cultural Politics in Denendeh and Nunavut, by Peter Kulchyski, makes an important contribution to this growing literature by exploring grassroots local politics in several communities in the Northwest Territories and Nunavut.

The Household as the Foundation of Aristotle's Polis, D. Brendan Nagle, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006, xii, 352.

This work examines the demographics of Greek households and cities as Aristotle would have known them with a view to showing that there was a distinctively close relation between them in Aristotle's thought. For Nagle, the household was both the economic foundation of the city and also, “in some way, its moral basis” (155). This has important implications, in Nagle's view, for the understanding of citizen education, slavery and the place of women in Aristotle's political theory.

Le rêve et la forêt. Histoires de chamanes nabesna, Guédon, Anne-Marie, PUL, 2005, 616 pages.

Ce livre est le fruit d'enquêtes faites par l'auteure depuis 1968 auprès des Nabesna, un peuple autochtone de langue déné situé à la frontière entre le Yukon et l'Alaska, au centre d'un territoire habité par les Athapaskans (Dénés) septentrionaux dont ils se rapprochent par la culture et la langue. Sa connaissance profonde de la culture des Nabesna prend constamment appui sur les cultures des peuples autochtones environnants pour s'en démarquer ou s'y comparer, ce qui fait que son objet est beaucoup plus large que la seule culture nabesna et rejoint tout le monde athapascan.

Le débat public en apprentissage—Aménagement et environnement : Regards croisés sur les expériences française et québécoise, Louis Simard, Laurent Lepage, Jean-Michel Fourniau, Michel Gariépy et Mario Gauthier (sous la direction de), Paris : L'Harmattan, collection Villes et entreprises, 2006, 315 pp.

L'ouvrage collectif franco-québécois, Le débat public en apprentissage—Aménagement et environnement, se propose de faire un bilan des mécanismes de consultation publique au Québec et en France. Les institutions qui encadrent ces débats publics, surtout en environnement, en énergie et en construction routière, nous semblent relativement récentes, mais dans certains cas, comme dans celui du BAPE (Bureau d'audiences publiques sur l'environnement) au Québec, elles fonctionnent depuis maintenant plusieurs décennies, et l'heure est donc aux bilans. Ou, comme le soulignent des contributeurs français, on est prêt à un “ débat sur le débat ”. Pour dresser ce bilan, on a eu la bonne idée de faire appel à des praticiens et à des universitaires, et ce, des deux côtés de l'Atlantique. Le résultat est un volume riche en pistes et en idées dont l'intégration est cependant laissée au soin des lecteurs.

Nature and History in American Political Development: A Debate, James W. Ceaser; with responses from Jack N. Rakove, Nancy L. Rosenblum, Rogers M. Smith, Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2006, pp. viii, 197.

James Ceaser gave the first Tocqueville Memorial Lecture on American Politics sponsored by the Center for American Political Studies at Harvard in 2004. This volume contains an expanded version of his lecture, the three responses by, respectively, a historian, a political theorist, and a political scientist, and Ceaser's rejoinder or, in the case of Rosenblum, rebuttal to each. There are two things going on in this volume: a scholarly debate on how to approach the elusive question of the role of ideas in politics and a rather acrimonious argument over Ceaser's motivation.

Tolérance et modernité juridique, Bjarne Melkevik, 2006, Québec : Les Presses de l'Université Laval, Collection DIKÉ.

Les Presses de l'Université Laval et la Chaire UNESCO d'étude des fondements philosophiques de la justice et de la société démocratique nous proposent un collage des textes du professeur Melkevik, dont deux sont inédits. Profitons-en pour souligner les efforts de la Chaire, qui n'a de cesse de mettre à la disposition du public les résultats de ses travaux et ce, sous la direction de collaborateurs assidus, dont le professeur Melkevik. Notons la parution dans la même année et chez le même éditeur de l'ouvrage Droits démocratiques et Identités, sous la direction de Luc Vigneault et Bjarne Melkevik.

Political Emotions: Aristotle and the Symphony of Reason and Emotion, Marlene K. Sokolon, DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 2006, pp. 217.

Marlene K. Sokolon has provided an intellectually stimulating and highly original work on Aristotle's understanding of the emotions, mainly as presented in his treatise the Art of Rhetoric. The central thesis of Sokolon's book manifests itself in her analysis of the emotion of anger. According to Sokolon, for Aristotle anger is the paradigmatic human emotion, defined as the desire for revenge for a dishonourable and undeserving public insult against oneself or those one loves. Of this desire for revenge, Sokolon argues that “for Aristotle, unique human anger is not ‘at’ something, but more properly ‘with’ what some other person did or intends to do. Anger and the other political emotions are certain kinds of judgments or perceptions about sociopolitical circumstances. Anger judges specific kinds of events with an acknowledged political, or what we now call ‘cultural,’ meaning” (p. 55). Thus, Sokolon argues that for Aristotle the emotional experience of anger occurs in social and political contexts where there are evaluations of worth in situations involving relations of power. But if anger is the paradigmatic human emotion, this means that anger is not simply representative of various political emotions, but illustrates that human emotion as such is an essentially political phenomenon. Sokolon's thesis, therefore, is that for Aristotle, “man is by nature a political animal” not simply because he possesses reason, the apparent claim of the Politics, but also because he experiences emotions.

Into the Hurricane: Attacking Socialism and the CCF, John Bokyo, Winnipeg: J. Gordon Shillingford Publishing, 2006, pp. 199.

In these days when national voter support for the New Democratic Party (NDP) seems to be under pressure, it is salutary to recall the lasting legacy forged under greater pressures of its precursor, the Canadian Commonwealth Federation (CCF). John Boyko's fine but flawed book exploring the fierce struggles of that earlier period begins by invoking the choice of CCF icon Tommy Douglas as the “greatest Canadian” in a 2004 CBC television survey. How is it possible that, like medicare which he pioneered, what had been so savagely attacked in ideological terms as a threat to what Canada stood for was now embraced nationwide as mainstream as motherhood?

Filibuster: Obstruction and Lawmaking in the US Senate, Gregory J. Wawro and Eric Schickler, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006, pp. xx, 326.

The US Senate presents observers with a paradox. It is a strong and influential legislative chamber, whose strength and influence derive in great part from unique rules and norms that not only allow but genuinely celebrate obstructionism, and techniques that encourage the frustration of the democratic majority by unrestricted parliamentary gamesmanship. The filibuster—a tactic whose purpose is to prevent the accomplishment of legislative business—is a fundamental, defining characteristic of both Senate procedure and the Senate's institutional self-image. How does the Senate—with its jealously guarded traditions of unlimited debate, universal recognition, and disregard for germaneness—ever manage to get anything done?

As Others See Us: The Causes and Consequences of Foreign Perceptions of America, Stephen Brooks, Peterborough ON: Broadview, 2006, pp. 178.

As its title indicates, As Other See Us seeks to explain how the United States of America is perceived abroad. Stephen Brooks argues that while it is more important than ever to understand how foreigners view America, academics and policymakers alike have tended to do a poor job of it, because they overemphasize what America does and underemphasize what America “is seen to be” (16). In other words, he suggests that foreign interpretations of America are at least as important as American actions or policy. For Brooks, perceptions matter a lot.