Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-gbm5v Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-26T08:47:45.231Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

“Colonized Body,” “Oriental Machine”: Debating Race, Railroads, and the Politics of Reconstruction in Germany and East Africa, 1906–1910

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Bradley D. Naranch
Affiliation:
Johns Hopkins University

Extract

The years 1906–1910 were a period of crisis and unstable consensus in German colonial history. In contrast to the debates of the previous two decades following Chancellor Otto von Bismarck's 1884 decision to establish overseas protectorates, colonial discourse in Germany after 1905 shifted decisively away from abstract considerations of the desirability of colonies for economic and imperialist expansion to focus on the more practical matters of colonial policy and long-term developmental reform. Indeed, given the fact that by 1905 the German colonial empire covered a sprawling expanse of land six times the size of the German state, including territories in Africa, the South Pacific, and a naval base (Tsingtao) on the coast of China, the enormous challenges of managing its far-flung and costly possessions were becoming increasingly difficult to meet. For better or for worse, the Kaiserreich had become a de facto colonial power, and German society was increasingly and uncomfortably being forced to recognize the hazards and burdens of its fledgling global empire.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2000

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. For general accounts of German colonial history during the years 1884–1919, see Smith, Woodruff, The German Colonial Empire (Chapel Hill, 1978)Google Scholar; Gründer, Horst, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien, 3rd ed. (Paderborn, 1995)Google Scholar. For accounts of the colonial movement and Bismarck's role in the founding of the German colonial empire, see Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, Bismarck und der Imperialisms, 4th ed. (Munich, 1976)Google Scholar; Bade, Klaus J., Friedrich Fabri und der Imperialisms in der Bismarckzeit: Revolution — Depression — Expansion (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1975).Google Scholar

2. Smith, Helmut Walser, “The Talk of Genocide, the Rhetoric of Miscegenation: Notes on Debates in the German Reichstag Concerning Southwest Africa, 1904–14,” in The Imperialist Imagination: German Colonialism and its Legacy, ed. Sara, Friedrichsmeyer, Sara, Lennox, and Susanne, Zantop (Ann Arbor, 1998), 107–23Google Scholar. Figures concerning the number of casualties vary widely from 70,000–300,000. See Dedering, Tilman, “The German-Herero War of 1904: Revisionism of Genocide or Imaginary Historiography?Journal of Southern African Studies 10, no. 1 (03 1993): 8088CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bridgeman, Jon M., The Revolt of the Hereros (Berkeley, 1981)Google Scholar; Bley, Helmut, South-West Africa under German Rule 1894–1914, trans, Ridley, H. (London, 1971)Google Scholar; Drechsler, Horst, Aufstände inSüdwestafrika: Der Kampf der Herero und Nama 1904 bis 1907 gegen die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft (Berlin [East], 1984).Google Scholar

3. Iliffe, John, A Modern History of Tanganyika (Cambridge, 1979), chap. 6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, , “The Organization of the Maji-Maji Rebellion,” in Conquest and Resistance to Colonialism in Africa, ed. Gregory, Maddox (New York, 1993), 217–34Google Scholar; Seeberg, Karl-Martin, Der Maji-Maji Krieg gegen die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft: Historische Ursprünge nationaler Identität Tansanias (Berlin, 1989).Google Scholar

4. Winfried, Becker, “Kulturkampf als Vorwand: Die Kolonialwahlen von 1907 und das Problem der Parlamentarisierung des Reiches,” Historisches Jahrbuch 106 (1986): 5984Google Scholar; Wolfgang, Reinhard, “‘Sozialimperialismus’ oder ‘Entkolonisierung der Historie?’ Kolonialkrise und ‘Hottentotwahlen’ 1904–07, Historisches Jahrbuch 97/98 (1978): 384417Google Scholar; Spellmeyer, Hans, Deutsche Kolonialpolitik im Reichstag (Stuttgart, 1931), 85121.Google Scholar

5. Dernburg's biographer, Werner Schiefel, provides the most detailed account of Dernburg's rise to power in the involvement in German domestic and colonial politics. See Schiefel, , Bernhard Dernburg, 1865–1937: Kolonialpolitiker und Bankier im wilhelminischen Deutschland (Zürich, 1994).Google Scholar

6. Accounts of the East African study trip and its importance for Dernburg's colonial policies can be found in Iliffe, John, The German Administration in Tanganyika, 1906–1911: The Governorship of Freiherr von Rechenberg (Cambridge, 1967), 160–64Google Scholar, expanded in idem, , Tanganyika under German Rule, 1905–1912 (London, 1969), 7781Google Scholar; Koponen, Juhani, Development for Exploitation: German Colonial Policies in Mainland Tanzania, 1884–2914 (Helsinki, 1995), 266–72Google Scholar; Tetzlaff, Rainer, Kolonial Entwicklung und Ausbeutung: Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte Deutsch-Ostafrikas, 1885–1914 (Berlin, 1970), 223–32Google Scholar; Austen, Ralph A., Northwest Tanzania under German and British Rule: Colonial Policy and Tribal Politics, 1889–1939 (New Haven, 1968)Google Scholar; Smith, , The German Colonial Empire, 192–97Google Scholar; and Schiefel, , Dernburg, 6673.Google Scholar

7. Bernhard Dernburg, Bericht über eine vom 13.Juli bis 30. Oktober 1907 nach Ostafrika ausgeführte Dienstreise, Bundeshauptarchiv Berlin (BHA), R 43 Rk 924 Bl. 99, 1–39. Dernburg's reform program was based in many respects on that of Albrecht Freiherr von Rechenberg, Götzen's successor as governor of German East Africa (1906–1912). Rechenberg sought to promote indigenous production in the interior rather than forcibly relocate thousands of African workers as wage laborers for the ill-managed German coastal plantations. He also sought to minimize the expansion of German settlement, believing the emigrants to be political liabilities in the maintenance of peace and inimical to the goals of sustained economic growth. As both Iliffe and, more recently, Koponen, have noted, Rechenberg's unwillingness to accede to the repeated demands for an increased German presence in the colony led to a polarization in the debate over East African development between those who wanted a “white man's colony” and the governor's efforts to create a “free land of Negro peasants.” See Koponen, , Development, 241320.Google Scholar

8. In addition to Schiefel's and Koponen's excellent accounts, other secondary works that discuss Dernburg's reform policies during the years 1906–10 include Smith, , The German Colonial Empire, 192209Google Scholar; Pierard, Richard V., “The Dernburg Reform Policy and German East Africa,” Tanzania Notes and Records 67 (06 1967): 3138Google Scholar; Schulte, Dieter, “Die Monopolpolitik des Reichskolonialamts in der ‘Ära Dernburg’ 1906–1910,” Jahrbuch für Geschichte 24 (1981): 739Google Scholar. On German colonial reform in a broader context, see Schulte-Althoff, Franz-Josef, “Koloniale Reformpolitik und Partikularinteressen,” Saeculum 32 (1981): 146–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, , “Koloniale Krise und Reformprojekte: Zur Diskussion über eine Kurskorrektur in der deutschen Kolonialpolitik nach der Jahrhundertwende,” in Weltpolitik, Europagedanke, Regionalismus, ed. Heinz, Dollinger et al. (Münster, 1981).Google Scholar

9. Woodruff Smith's studies of ideological formations in German colonial discourse remain the definitive accounts. See Smith, , “The Ideology of German Colonialism, 1840–1914,” Journal of Modern History 46 (1974): 641–62CrossRefGoogle Scholaridem, ., The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism (New York, 1986), esp. 124–29Google Scholar. For a useful discussion and modification of Smith's models in regard to colonial development in East Africa, see Koponen, , Development, 8794.Google Scholar

10. Iliffe's models of “a white man's country” and “a land of free Negro peasants” effectively highlights the economic and racial dimensions of the debate but fails to link the localized power struggles in the colony with the larger debates in Germany. Smith argues for an enduring divide between “settlement colonialism” (Lebensraum) and “economic colonialism” (Weltpolitik), ideologies that characterized German colonial debate from the 1850s until the rise of Nazism. His overarching theoretical framework remains too homogenous a model for understanding the complexity of issues introduced during 1906–1910 that distinguished them from the previous and post-1919 debates over German colonialism. Koponen, varying Smith's models, describes the opposing camps as “nationalist” and “capitalist.” These terms, however, obscure the fact that Dernburg and Rechenberg also pursued nationalist aims and tend to conflate under the category “capitalist” groups with very different notions of German colonial identity. Renate Nestvogel has suggested two dominant colonial models based on the “English” system of passive rule exemplified in British India and the more confrontational “Boer” model adopted in Southwest Africa. While Nestvogel rightly emphasizes the degree to which Germany policymakers relied upon the programs of more experienced colonizing states, her comparative terminology obscures the procedural and conceptual differences between German, British, and Boer strategies of colonization. See Nestvogel, and Rainer, Tetzlaff, eds., Afrika und der deutsche Kolonialismus: Zivilisierung zwischen Schnapshandel und Bibeltunde (Berlin, 1987)Google Scholar. Other historians, like Schiefel, rely upon accepted colonial typologies used in Wilhelmian Germany of “trading colony,” “settler colony,” and “plantation colony.” The limitations of such economically-oriented categories in expressing the complex nexus of national, imperial, and racial issues that characterized colonial discourse, however, were evident even to contemporaries.

11. Bald, Detlef, Deutsch-Ostafrika, 1900–1914: Eine Studie über Verwaltung, Interessengruppen und wirtschaftliche Erschliessung (Munich, 1970), 123–26Google Scholar; Ida Pipping-van, Hulten, An Episode of Colonial History: The German Press in Tanzania 1901–1914 (Uppsala, 1974)Google Scholar, and the older studies by Dietrich, Redeker, Journalismus in Deutsch-Ostafrika, 1899–1916: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Presse in den früheren deutschen Kolonien (Frankfurt am Main, 1937)Google Scholar; Dressier, Adolf, Die deutschen Kolonien und die Presse (Würzburg, 1942).Google Scholar

12. For an instructive way in which the visual experience of empire (of the metropolis, not the colony) can be discussed within the historical context of identity formation, see Burton, Antoinette, At the Heart of Empire: Indians and the Colonial Encounter in late-Victorian Britain (Berkeley, 1998)Google Scholar. See also Pratt, Mary Louise, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation (London, 1992)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. My notion of the process by which Dernburg constructed images of East Africa as an oriental periphery is derived from Said's, Edward W. concept of “manifest Orientalism” as described in Orientalism, 2nd ed. (New York, 1994), 206–7Google Scholar. My interest, however, in distinguishing between Dernburg's understanding of Africa prior to his colonial experiences and the effect that his subjective observations had upon altering his previous knowledge of Africa and the colonial “other” is not a part of Said's two forms of Orientalism, latent, and manifest, and thus suggests, I would argue, a third form of Orientalist knowledge production, “experienced Orientalism.”

13. This shift in colonial policy from violent forms of extraction of raw materials and exploitation of indigenous inhabitants to a more moderate course of infrastructural improvements, technological advance, and encouragement of local forms of production is part of what Koponen has called “the developmental imperative.” Although such a shift in policy led to some improvements in colonial East Africa, he argues, the goal of German developmental initiatives was ultimately a more sophisticated and efficient form of exploitation, one which provided a basic model for development after 1919 for the British and later the postindependence Tanzanian state. See Koponen, , Development, 168–77.Google Scholar

14. For a discussion of the scientific aspects of Dernburg's understanding of colonialism, see Smith, , The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism, 195ff.Google Scholar

15. Markmiller, Anton, “Die Erziehung des Negers zur Arbeit”: Wie die koloniale Pädagogik afrikanische Gesellhchaften in die Abhängigkeit führte (Berlin, 1995)Google Scholar; Cynthia, Cohen,” ‘The Natives Must First Become Good Workmen’: Formal Educational Provisions in German South West and East Africa Compared,” Journal of Southern African Studies 19, no. 1 (03 1993): 128–34.Google Scholar

16. The phrase “evidence of experience” is from Scott's, Joan W. article, “The Evidence of Experience,” Critical Inquiry 17 (Summer 1991): 773–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Scott focuses on the ways in which experience is often treated uncritically as an essential foundation of thought by historians because of its illusory “uncontested” and “objective” nature. My attempt here is to apply these epistemological considerations to the case of Dernburg and his reliance upon colonial experience as objective evidence for defending his reform policies.

17. Smith, , The German Colonial Empire, 183–86Google Scholar; Reuss, Martin, “The Disgrace and Fall of Carl Peters: Morality, Politics, and Staatsräson in the Time of Wilhelm II,” Central European History 14, no. 2 (1981): 110–38.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

18. For a discussion of the social backgrounds of the upper-level officials in Wilhelmian Germany, see Röhl, John, “Higher Civil Servants in Germany, 1890–1900,” in Imperial Germany, ed. James, Sheehan (New York, 1976), 129–52Google Scholar. Gann, L. H. and Duignan, Peter, The Rulers of German Africa, 1884–1914 (Stanford, 1977), chap. 5Google Scholar, point out that the newness and unsavoriness of service in the Colonial Division made its positions less prestigious than comparable positions in the Foreign Office, thus giving a greater degree of access to nontraditional elites than they enjoyed in other parts of the German state.

19. Harden, Maximilian, Die Zukunft 56 (1906): 393406Google Scholar; idem, 57 (106): 377–80; idem, , 58 (1907): 374–86Google Scholar. For a discussion of Dernburg's status as a individual of Jewish origin in a high official position in Wilhelmian Germany, see Schiefel, , Dernburg, 4245.Google Scholar

20. Die Stenographischen Berichte zu den Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 5,128. Sitzung, 28 November 1906, 3961–62.

21. Schiefel, , Dernburg, 6365.Google Scholar

22. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 5, 128. Sitzung, 28 November 1906, 3964–65.

23. Dernburg, , Zielpunkte des deutschen Kolonialwesens (Berlin, 1907), 8Google Scholar. Also reprinted in the Deutsches Kolonialblatt (DKB) 24 (15 December 1907), 51–74.

24. Dernburg, , Zielpunkte, 1113Google Scholar. Smith, , The German Colonial Empire, 195Google Scholar; idem, , The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism, 150Google Scholar. For specifics, see “Die finanzielle Entwicklung der deutschen Schutzgebiete (ohne Kiatschou), Graphische Darstellungen der Aufwände des Reiches mit Ausnahme der Militärlasten für die Schutzgebiete und der eigenen Einnahmen der Schutzgebiete; Vergleich mit der finanziellen Entwicklung Algiers,” Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Anlageband 8 (1905–6), 563; “Die deutschen Kapitalinteressen in den deutschen Schutzgebieten (ohne Kiatschou); Grösse, Stand und Rentabilität,” ibid., 564.

25. Pyenson, Lewis, Cultural Imperialism and Exact Sciences: German Expansion Overseas, 1900–30 (London, 1982)Google Scholar; Spindle, Jake Wilton Jr., “Colonial Studies in Imperial Germany,” History of Education Quarterly 13 (1973): 231–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Smith, , The German Colonial Empire, 218–19Google Scholar; idem, , The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism, 127, 144–46Google Scholar. For an example of the courses offered at the University of Berlin's oriental seminars, see DKB (1906) 149, 536, and from the Berlin Museum für Völkerkunde, 254.

26. Dernburg, , Koloniale Lehrjahre (Stuttgart, 1907), 7.Google Scholar

27. Dernburg, , “Die Koloniale Aufklärungsarbeit,” DKB (1907), 106–7.Google Scholar

28. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 5, 128. Sitzung, 28 November 1906, 3964.

29. Dernburg, , Koloniale Lehrjahre, 810, 15–16Google Scholar; Zielpunkte, 35; “Die Koloniale Aufläarungsarbeit,” 107–8; Koloniale Finanzprobleme (Berlin, 1907), 1216.Google Scholar

30. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 5, 128. Sitzung, 28 November 1906, 3958.

31. Ibid., 3960.

32. Schiefel, , Dernburg, 6566Google Scholar; Smith, , The German Colonial Empire, 193–94.Google Scholar

33. Dernburg, , ZielpunkteGoogle Scholar. The quotations are from pages 6 and 10.

34. Dernburg, , Koloniale Lehrjahre, 12.Google Scholar

35. Dernburg, , Zielpunkte, 10Google Scholar. The italics are my own.

36. Ibid., 9.

37. Dernburg, , “Die Koloniale Aufkläarungsarbeit,” 108.Google Scholar

38. Dernburg, , Zielpunkte, 1.Google Scholar

39. Dernburg, , “Die Koloniale Aufkläarungsarbeit,” 112.Google Scholar

40. Brode, H., British and German East Africa: Their Economic and Commercial Relations (London, 1911), 1725, 49–65Google Scholar; Hermann, R., “Die Ugandabahn und ihr Einfluss auf Deutsch-Ostafrika,” Zeitschrift für Kolonialpolitik, Kolonialrecht und Kolonialwirtschaft (Berlin, 1906): 580–93.Google Scholar

41. Iliffe, , Tanganyika under German Rule, 7781Google Scholar; Tetzlaff, , Koloniale Entwicklung, 233–36Google Scholar; Austen, , Northwest Tanzania, 7780.Google Scholar

42. Jonathan, Glassman, Feasts and Riot: Revelry, Rebellion, and Popular Consciousness on the Swahili Coast, 1856–1888 (Portsmouth, 1995)Google Scholar. Although Glassman's account focuses on the local uprisings which led the German government to remove control of the colony from the private German East Africa Company, his vivid description of life on the Swahili coast and the contingent nature of the German presence provide an excellent introduction to the complexities of East African society that Dernburg was later to experience, if not fully to understand.

43. Glassman, Bald, and Koponen all provide detailed information on the structural weaknesses of German colonial rule in East Africa. On the formation of the colonial state in East Africa, see esp. Koponen, , Development, 94143.Google Scholar

44. Schulthess' Europäischer Geschichtskalender 49 (1908), 32.Google Scholar

45. Alberti-Sittenfeld, Conrad. “Mit Dernburg nach Ostafrika III,” Berliner Morgenpost, 26 07 1907, 1Google Scholar; “Mit Dernburg nach Ostafrika IV: Unsere Höllenfahrt” Berliner Morgenpost, 6 August 1907, 1Google Scholar; Zimmermann, Adolf, Mit Dernburg nach Ostafrika (Berlin, 1908), 23, 19Google Scholar; Bongard, Oskar, Die Studienreise des Staatssekretärs Dernburg nach Deutsch-Ostafrika (Berlin, 1908), 20.Google Scholar

46. Storz, Viktor, Mit Dernburg in Deutsch-Ostafrika (Düsseldorf, 1907), 3031Google Scholar. For Dernburg's interaction with the British officials in British East Africa, see Bongard, , Die Studienreise, 2629.Google Scholar

47. A close but highly competitive friend of Dernburg, Rathenau also accompanied him on his tour of German Southwest Africa in 1908. See Bongard, , Staatssekretär Dernburg in British- und Deutsch-Süd-Afrika (Berlin, 1908)Google Scholar. His tendency to upstage Dernburg during the trips earned him the title, the “Colonial Undersecretary. See Wilderotter, Hans, “Die Neue Ära: Walther Rathenau im Umkreis der ‘Weltpolitik,’” in: Die Extreme berühren sich: Walther Rathenau, 1867–1922, ed. idem, (Berlin, 1993).Google Scholar

48. Hartmut Pogge, von Strandmann, ed., Walther Rathenau: Industrialist, Banker, Intellectual, and Politician: Notes and Diaries, 1907–22 (Oxford, 1985), 48Google Scholar. Cf. Bongard, , Die Studienreise, 31, 35Google Scholar. Rathenau submitted his report to the Colonial Office following his return to Germany in 1908. Cf. Rathenau, Erwägungen über die Erschliessung des Deutsch-Ostafrikanischen Schutzgebietes, BHA R 43 Rk. 924 B. 94, 1–42.

49. Kölnische Zeitung, 13 August 1907, no. 844, 2nd morning ed., 1.

50. Zimmerman, , Mit Dernburg, 34.Google Scholar

51. The quotations are from ibid., 45, and Bongard, , Die Studienreise, 30, 32Google Scholar. Both reporters accompanied Dernburg during the Studienreise.

52. Bongard, , Die Studienreise, 5152.Google Scholar

53. Rathenau to Maximilian Harden, 5 August 1907, in Rathenau, , Briefe: Neue Folge (Dresden, 1930), 97.Google Scholar

54. DKB (1907): 1200–02.Google Scholar

55. Rathenau to Frau Geheimrat M. Rathenau, 16 August 1907, in Walther Rathenau in Brief und Bild, ed. Margarete, Eyern (Frankfurt am Main, 1967), 70.Google Scholar

56. Bongard, , Die Studienreise, 40.Google Scholar

57. Dernburg, , DKB (1907): 1201.Google Scholar

58. Ibid., 1205–6.

59. Zimmermann, for example, used the diminutive terms “Männlein” (little man) and “Weiblein” (little woman) when describing the African natives. Cf. Zimmermann, , Mit Dernburg, 88Google Scholar: “The Negro is in fact nothing but a big child; a child with long limbs and strong bones.”

60. Dernburg, , DKB (1907): 1204.Google Scholar

61. Schulthess' Europaischer Geschichtskalender, 49.

62. Ibid., 32–33, 42–44. See also Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231, 124. Sitzung, 17 March 1908, 4027–28. For the role of the Central Railway in Rechenberg's reforms, see Iliffe, , Die Reformpolitik, 139–43.Google Scholar

63. Dernburg, , “Germany and England in Africa,” Journal of the African Society 9, no. 34 (01 1910): 117.Google Scholar

64. Dernburg to Reichskolonialamt (November 1907), in Kolonien unter der Peitsche: Eine Dokumentation, ed. Fritz Ferdinand, Müller(Berlin [East], 1962), 7475Google Scholar; Toeppen, Kurt, “Staatssekretär Dernburg und die Wünsche der Pflanzer,” Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 4 October 1907, 1st ed., 1Google Scholar; idem, , “Mit Dernburg in West-Usambara I.” Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 4 November 1908, 1st ed., 1Google Scholar; idem, , “Die Tanganesen kontra Dernburg,” Berlin Lokal-Anzeiger, 8 November 1907, 1st ed., 12Google Scholar. See also Bongard's detailed summary of the demands of the settlers presented to Dernburg in Tanga, and Dernburg's responses, Bongard, , Die Studienreise, 6568.Google Scholar

65. Toeppen, , “Mit Dernburg in West Usambara II,” Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 5 November 1908, 1st ed., 1Google Scholar; idem, , “Die Tanganesen kontra Dernburg,” 12.Google Scholar

66. Dernburg, , DKB (1907): 1201.Google Scholar

67. Dernburg, Bericht, 6–15. Following Dernburg's return from the Studienreise, the mechanistic terminology of “friction” (Reibung) and “areas of friction” (Reibungsflächen) appear in his speeches and writings with increasing frequency. At the same time, the usage of bodily and Volk metaphors, which were not uncommon in his parliamentary and election speeches of 1906–1907, rarely appear. For his use of “friction,” see a letter of Dernburg's to Paul Voith from 31 December 1907, BHA R 1001 RKA 120, 5, (grosse Reibungsflächen zwischen Schwarz und Weiss) as well as Schulthess' Europäischer Geschichtskalendar (1908), 3 (Reibungsflächen), 35 (Reibeflächen zwischen Schwarz und Weiss), 49 (Reibungsflächen); Verhandlungen des Reichstages Bd. 231, 125. Sitzung, 18 March 1908, 4074, 4075 (Reibungsflächen); Bd. 235, 214. Sitzung, 26 February 1909, 7193 (reiben).

68. Dernburg to Voith, BHA R 1001 RKA 120, 10–17.

69. As they had done during the scandal-plagued years of the 1890s, German newspapers played an essential role in increasing the general level of awareness of the affairs in the colonies after the massive uprisings in East and Southwest Africa. Telegraphed reports of Dernburg's journey were printed several times a week in many newspapers, and longer accounts, printed approximately every two to three weeks, often appeared on the front page in the Berliner Morgenpost, Tägliche Rundschau, Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, Kölnische Zeitung, Leipziger Neueste Nachrichten, and Generalanzeiger Düsseldorf und Elberfeld. The reports of Zimmermann, who worked for the Wolff Telegraph Bureau, were published in a variety of newspapers, including the Hamburger Nachrichten and the Deutsche Kolonialzeitung. To my knowledge, there exist no recent studies of the role of the media as a popularizer of empire in Germany comparable to John MacKenzie's groundbreaking work for the British Empire. See MacKenzie, , Propaganda and Empire: The Manipulation of British Public Opinion 1880–1960 (Manchester, 1984)Google Scholaridem, , Imperialism and Popular Culture (Manchester, 1993).Google Scholar

70. On the role of the colonial traveler as narrator, see Pratt, , Imperial Eyes, chap. 5.Google Scholar

71. Dernburg, , Die Vorbedingungen für erfolgreiche koloniale und überseeische Betätigung (Berlin, 1912), 710Google Scholar; idem, , DKB (1907): 1199.Google Scholar

72. Toeppen, , “Mit Dernburg nach dem Viktoria-Nyanza,” Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 17 September 1907. 1st ed., 1Google Scholar; Bongard, , Die Studienreise, 3335Google Scholar; “Reisebriefe aus Deutsch-Ostafrika,” Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 31 August 1907, 2nd evening ed., 1.Google Scholar

73. Alberti-Sittenfeld, , “Mit Dernburg nach Ostafrika IX: Bernhard in der Steppe,” Berliner Morgenpost, 15 09 1907, 1Google Scholar; Zimmermann, , Mit Dernburg, 47.Google Scholar

74. Schiefel, , Dernburg, 113Google Scholar; For Dernburg's speeches in the Reichstag over the East African budget of 1909, see Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231, 124. Sitzung, 17 March 1908, 4024–30; ibid., 125. Sitzung, 18 March 1908, 4074–75, 4078; ibid., 126. Sitzung, 19 March 1908, 4107–11, 4113, 4128–30, 4142.

75. Koponen, , Development, 277–81.Google Scholar

76. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231, 125. Sitzung, 18 March 1908, 4069–71.

77. Zimmermann, , Mit Dernburg, 89.Google Scholar

78. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 235, 125. Sitzung, 18 March 1908, 4033. See also ibid., Bd. 231, 126. Sitzung, 19 March 1908, 4116–18; ibid., Bd. 235, 215. Sitzung, 27 February 1909, 7210, and Markmiller, , Erziehung, 5788Google Scholar; Koponen, , Development, 321440.Google Scholar

79. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 235, 214. Sitzung, 26 February 1909, 7176.

80. Detlef Bald has described the “master-race mentality” and social Darwinist sentiments prevalent among the settlers' interest groups in German East Africa, in Bald, , Deutsch-Ostafrika, 7174, 127–28, 139–40Google Scholar, and the statements of Liebert on “Aryan racial consciousness,” 113–14. For examples of social Darwinist rhetoric in the Reichstag, compare the comments of National Liberal Goller, Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 235, 214. Sitzung, 26 February 1907, 7189–90. Examples of social Darwinist theory among German colonial publicists include: Hans, Zache, “Deutsch-Ostafrika,” in Deutschland als Kolonialmacht: Dreissig Jahre deutsche Kolonialgeschichte, Kaiser-Wilhelm Dank: Verein der Soldatenfreunde (Berlin, 1914), 85Google Scholar; Waldemar, Schütze, “Farbe gegen Weiss in Afrika,” Zeitschrift für Kolonialpolitik, Kolonialrecht und Kolonialwirtschaft (Berlin, 1906)Google Scholar. For more general readings on the usage of social Darwinism in imperial Germany, see Koch, W. H., Der Sozialdarwinismus: Seine Genese und sein Einfluss auf das imperialistische Denken (Munich, 1973)Google Scholar; Alfred, Kelly, The Descent of Darwin: The Popularization of Darwinism in Germany, 1860–1914 (Chapel Hill, 1981).Google Scholar

81. Arendt, Otto, “Die Eingeborenenfrage im Hinblick auf die wirtschaftliche und politische Entwicklung unserer tropischen Kolonien,” Zeitschrift für Kolonialpolitik, Kolonialrecht und Kolonialwirtschaft 7 (07 1908): 528–44.Google Scholar

82. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 235, 214. Sitzung, 26 Februrary 1909, 7172.

83. Schulthess' Europäischer Geschichtskalender, 41–42; Bongard, , Die Studienreise, 74Google Scholar; Toeppen, , “Staatssekretär Dernburg und die Wünsche der Pflanzer,” Berliner Lokal-Anzeiger, 4 October 1907, 1st ed., 1.Google Scholar

84. Dernburg, , “Germany and England in Africa,” 114–15.Google Scholar

85. Schroeter, Helmut and Ramaer, Roel, Die Eisenbahnen in den einst deutschen Schutzgebieten: Damals und heute (Krefeld, 1993).Google Scholar

86. Arendt's phrase is from a Reichstag speech: Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 228, 46. Sitzung, 4 May 1907, 1413. For details on the railroad debates, see the articles in the Tägliche Rundschau: Jaeger, Fritz, “Zur ostafrikanischen Eisenbahnfrage,” 27 08 1907, 399Google Scholar and Wagner, Rudolf, “Ein ostafrikanisches Eisenbahnmonopol?” 13 09 1907, 429.Google Scholar

87. Rohrbach, Paul, “Ostafrikanische Studien I,” Preussische Jahrbücher 135 (1909): 82107Google Scholar; “Ostafrikanische Studien II,” ibid., 276–317, esp. 296, 307, 316. Smith, , in The Ideological Origins of Nazi Imperialism, 160–65Google Scholar, describes Rohrbach's colonial thinking as “an integrated ideology from the elements of Weltpolitik and Lebensraum.” That Rohrbach, a leading supporter of the “colonized body,” combined aspects of what Smith sees as opposing ideologies demonstrates quite clearly how the reaction against Dernburg's colonial reforms united diffuse streams of imperialist thought.

88. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231, 124. Sitzung, 4027–30. Additional details can be found in Schiefel, , Dernburg, 9299Google Scholar; Koponen, , Development, 297314.Google Scholar

89. Otto, Jöhlinger, “Dernburg im Lichte der Presse,” Koloniale Rundschau: Monatsheft für die Interessen unserer Schutzgebiete und ihrer Bewohner 1 (1910): 444–53Google Scholar. The Koloniale Rundschau was one of the few colonial journals to support Dernburg on a regular basis. The Deutsche Kolonialzeitung's stance was more ambiguous, publishing articles in support of and against Dernburg with relative frequency. One of the most extreme cases in which a former supporter of Dernburg became his bitter enemy after the Studienreise is Maximilian Harden's. Compare his early, flowing praise of Dernburg in Die Zukunft 56, 57, and 58 (see n. 19) with his harsh, sarcastic assessment of Dernburg's Studienreise, ibid., 62 (1908): 410–14. Among the few pamphlets in support of Dernburg's reforms published anonymously, perhaps an indication of the personal dangers of allying too closely with Dernburg: Africanus, Minor, Dernburg's Programm: Ein Wendepunkt im Schicksal Deutsch-Ostafrikas oder ein Negerland unter deutscher Flagge? (Berlin, 1908).Google Scholar

90. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231,126. Sitzung, 19 March 1908, 4126; ibid., Bd. 235, 215. Sitzung, 27 February 1909, 7229–30.

91. Norman, Rich and Fischer, M. H., ed. The Holstein Papers, vol. 4, Correspondence, 1887–1909 (Cambridge, 1963), 525–26.Google Scholar

92. A contemporary view can be found in Pfeiffer, Heinrich, Bwana Gazetti: Als Journalist in Ostafrika (Berlin, 1933), 27Google Scholar. Koponen, , Development, 271–86Google Scholar, provides an excellent account of the widespread resistance to the Dernburg-Rechenberg reforms in East Africa and in the Colonial Ministry.

93. Iiffe, , Tanganyika under German Rule, 47Google Scholar. According to Spellmeyer's calculations (Spellmeyer, , Deutsche Kolonialpolitik, 111Google Scholar ) 26 Reichstag delegates had visited one or more of the German colonies by December 1908. Paasche had been to East Africa in the summer of 1908, Liebert was governor of the colony from 1896–1906, and Arendt had served there as medical surgeon.

94. Verhandlungen des Reichstages, Bd. 231,124. Sitzung, 17 March 1908. 4042–43; ibid., 125. Sitzung, 18 March 1908, 4071–72, ibid., 127. Sitzung, 20 March 1908, 4143.

95. Lindequist, , “Deutsch-Ostafrika als Siedlungsgebiet für Europäer,” Schriften des Vereins für Sozialpolitik 147 (1912).Google Scholar

96. Iliffe, , Tanganyika Under German Rule, 82141Google Scholar; Bald, , “Die indische Minderheit in Deutsch-Ostafrika, 1900–1914: Reformpolitik von Governor von Rechenberg,” in Africana Collecta II, vol. 2, ed. D., Oberndörfer (Gütersloh, 1971): 242–61Google Scholar; Schiefel, , Dernburg, 80142.Google Scholar

97. Fredrichsmeyer, et al. , The Imperialist Imagination, IntroductionGoogle Scholar; Zantop, , Colonial Fantasies: Conquest, Family, and Nation in Precolonial Germany, 1770–1870 (Durham, 1997)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wildenthal, Lora, “‘She is the Victor’: Bourgeois Women, Nationalist Identities, and the Ideal of the Independent Woman Farmer in German Southwest Africa,” in Society, Culture, and the State in Germany, 1870–1930, ed. Geoff, Eley, (Ann Arbor, 1996)Google Scholar; Wildenthal, Lora, “Colonizers and Citizens: Bourgeois Women and the Woman Question in the German Colonial Movement, 1886–1914,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1994)Google Scholar; O'Donnell, Krista, “The Colonial Woman Question: Gender, National Identity, and Empire in the German Colonial Society Female Emigration Program, 1896–1914” (Ph.D. diss., SUNY Binghamton, 1996)Google Scholar; Klotz, Marcia, “White Women in the Dark Continent: Gender and Sexuality in German Colonial Discourse from the Sentimental Novel to the Fascist Film,” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford, 1994)Google Scholar; “The Image of the African in German Society,” special edition of the Journal of Black Studies 23, no. 2 (Dec. 1992).Google Scholar

98. Berman, Nina, “Orientalism, Imperialism, and Nationalism: Karl May's Orientzyklus” in The Imperialist Imagination, 5168Google Scholar; idem, , Orientalismus, Kolonialismus und Moderne: Zum Bild des Orients in der deutschsprachigen Kultur um 1900 (Stuttgart, 1997)Google Scholar; Essner, Cornelia, Deutsche Afrikareisende im neunzehnten Jahrhundert: Zur Sozialgeschichte des Reisens (Stuttgart, 1985)Google Scholar; Warmbold, Joachim, Germania in Africa: Germany's Colonial Literature (New York, 1988)Google Scholar; and Sadji, Amadou Booker, Das Bild des Negro-Afrikaners in der deutschen Kolonialliteratur (1884–1945): Ein Beitrag zur literarischen Imagologie Schwarzafrikas (Berlin, 1985)Google Scholar. For the role of Humboldt's narratives in influencing later genres of travel literature, see Pratt, , Imperial Eyes.Google Scholar