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Dismantling a Dystopia: On the Historiography of Music in the Third Reich

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 November 2007

Pamela M. Potter
Pamela M. Potter
Affiliation:
University of Wisconsin-Madison
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Extract

In 1981, the Gesellschaft für Musikforschung, the official society of German musicologists, held its first formal session on the subject of “Music in the 1930s.” Rudolf Stephan, then president of the society, concluded his opening remarks with the following admonition

Type
Research Article
Information
Central European History , Volume 40 , Issue 4 , December 2007 , pp. 623 - 651
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2007

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References

1 “Wer sich mit der Musik und mit dem Musikleben im Dritten Reich beschäftigt, muß sich die Frage stellen: hat der Nationalsozialismus in der Musikgeschichte gewirkt? Hat er mehr bewirkt, als namenloses Elend für zahllose Unschuldige? Mehr als den (vorzeitigen) Tod vieler Menschen und mithin auch Musiker? Vielleicht hat er verhindert, daß einige Meisterwerke entstanden sind; an denen, die entstanden sind, hat er keinen Anteil. (Sie waren ihm zuwider.) Positiv hat er gar nichts bewirkt, nur zerstört. Er hat den schon länger beobachteten Prozeß der Rebarbarisierung der Menschen gefördert. Nicht mehr und nicht weniger.” Stephan, Rudolf, “Zur Musik der Dreißigerjahre,” in Bericht über den internationalen musikwissenschaftlichen Kongress Bayreuth 1981, ed. Mahling, Christoph-Hellmut and Wiesmann, Sigrid (Kassel: Bärenreiter, 1984), 147Google Scholar. All translations are the author's unless otherwise noted.

2 In music textbooks one learns about the turn-of-the-century atonal innovations of Arnold Schoenberg that were carried on by his pupils Alban Berg and Anton Webern, the achievements in the 1920s of composers who would later flee the Nazi regime (most notably Schoenberg, Paul Hindemith, Ernst Krenek, and Kurt Weill), and the overseas activities of those same émigrés. At best, Carl Orff merits some mention as the lone representative of those who stayed in Germany, mainly because his disciples succeeded in portraying him as a victim of the system, and the Austrian Josef Matthias Hauer gets brief coverage for pursuing the same compositional techniques made famous by Schoenberg. See Grout, Donald J. and Palisca, Claude V., A History of Western Music, 6th ed. (New York: W. W. Norton, 2001)Google Scholar; Morgan, Robert P., Twentieth-Century Music: A History of Musical Style in Modern Europe and America (New York: W. W. Norton, 1991)Google Scholar; Salzman, Eric, Twentieth-Century Music: An Introduction, 4th ed., Prentice Hall History of Music Series (Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall, 2002)Google Scholar; Watkins, Glenn, Soundings: Music in the Twentieth Century (New York: Schirmer, 1988)Google Scholar; Simms, Bryan, Music of the Twentieth Century: Style and Structure, 2nd ed. (New York: Schirmer, 1996)Google Scholar.

3 Dennis, David, Beethoven in German Politics, 1870–1989 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), 19Google Scholar. In 1889, Wilhelm II was so impressed with the “patriotic and artistic goals” of the undertaking that he secured funding for the multivolume “monuments” of German music (Denkmäler deutscher Tonkunst) after seeing its inaugural volume, an edition of Frederick the Great's compositions for flute. See Applegate, Celia and Potter, Pamela, “Germans as the ‘People of Music’: Genealogy of an Identity,” in Music and German National Identity, ed. Applegate, and Potter, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 1–35Google Scholar.

4 Bernd Sponheuer, “Reconstructing Ideal Types of the ‘German’ in Music,” in Music and German National Identity, ed. Applegate and Potter, 36–58.

5 On the early history of music education, see Gramit, David, Cultivating Music: The Aspirations, Interests, and Limits of German Musical Culture, 1770–1848 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002)Google Scholar; on musicology, see Potter, Pamela M., Most German of the Arts: Musicology and Society from the Weimar Republic to the End of Hitler's Reich (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998)Google Scholar.

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8 Brockmann, Stephen, “German Culture at the ‘Zero Hour,’” in Revisting Zero Hour 1945: The Emergence of Postwar German Culture, ed. Trommler, Frank and Brockmann, Stephen, Humanities Program Report 1 (Washington, D.C.: American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, 1996), 12–13Google Scholar.

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10 As late as the 1990s, Michael Kater met with such resistance when trying to interview Elisabeth Schwarzkopf. See kater, , The Twisted Muse: Musicians and Their Music in the Third Reich (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), 61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

11 The series “Kunst und Kultur im Dritten Reich” (Gütersloh: Sigbert Mohn Verlag) consisted of the following volumes, all edited by Joseph Wulf: Bd. 1: Die bildenden Künste im Dritten Reich (1963); Bd. 2: Musik im Dritten Reich (1963); Bd. 3: Literatur und Dichtung im Dritten Reich (1963); Bd. 4: Theater und Film im Dritten Reich (1964); and Bd. 5: Presse und Funk im Dritten Reich (1964).

12 Klein, “Vorwort,” 9.

13 Rupnow, Dirk, review of Der Holocaust und die westdeutschen Historiker. Erforschung und Erinnerung, by Berg, Nicolas (Göttingen: Wallstein-Verlag, 2003)Google Scholar, in Newsletter zur Geschichte und Wirkung des Holocaust 25 (spring 2003); available from http://www.fritz-bauer-institut.de/rezensionen/nl25/rupnow.htm.

14 Meyer, Michael, “Assumptions and Implementation of Nazi Policy toward Music” (Ph.D. diss., UCLA, 1970)Google Scholar; and Ellis, Donald Wesley, “Music in the Third Reich: National Socialist Aesthetic Theory as Governmental Policy” (Ph.D. diss., University of Kansas, 1970)Google Scholar.

15 See, for example, Sabine von Dirke, “‘Where Were You 1933–1945?’ The Legacy of the Nazi Past Beyond the Zero Hour,” in Revisiting Zero Hour 1945, ed. Trommler and Brockmann, 71–88.

16 Klein, “Vorwort,” 9–10.

17 “Die Musik der 1930er Jahre,” Bericht über den internationalen musikwissenschaftlichen Kongress Bayreuth 1981, ed. Mahling and Wiesmann, 142–82, 471–503; an expanded version of Albrecht Riethmüller's paper appeared as “Komposition im Deutschen Reich um 1936,” Archiv für Musikwissenschaft 38 (1981): 241–78.

18 Prieberg, Fred K., Musik im NS-Staat (Frankfurt/Main: Fischer Verlag, 1982)Google Scholar.

19 Fred K. Prieberg, “Nach dem ‘Endsieg’ oder Musiker-Mimikry,” in Musik und Musikpolitik, ed. Heister and Klein, 297–305. Added to this was his frustration in finding a publisher, which ended when Fischer Verlag agreed to bring the book out in 1982 in anticipation of the fiftieth anniversary of the 1933 Machtergreifung (conversation with the author, 1984).

20 A recent perspective is provided by Riethmüller, Albrecht, “Stefan Zweig and the Fall of the Reich Music Chamber President, Richard Strauss,” in Music and Nazism: Art Under Tyranny, 1933–1945, ed. Kater, Michael H. and Riethmüller, Albrecht (Laaber: Laaber Verlag, 2003), 269–91Google Scholar. On earlier debates, see Potter, Pamela M., “Strauss and the National Socialists: The Debate and its Relevance,” in Richard Strauss: New Perspectives on the Composer and His Work, ed. Gilliam, Bryan (Durham: Duke University Press, 1992), 93–113Google Scholar.

21 On the origins of this term and the ensuing controversies, see Grimm, Reinhold, “Innere Emigration als Lebensform,” in Exil und innere Emigration. Third Wisconsin Workshop, ed. Hermand, Jost and Grimm, Reinhold, Wissenschaftliche Paperbacks Literaturwissenschaft 17 (Frankfurt/Main: Athenäum Verlag, 1972), 31–76Google Scholar.

22 Monod, Settling Scores, 5–6, 47, 139–43.

23 Adorno was a key player in promoting this association, envisioning clear correlations of modernism with political progressiveness and, conversely, musical conservatism with political conservatism. This led him to see Schoenberg as socially clairvoyant and to label Rudolf Wagner-Régeny as a “fascist”; Adorno, Theodor W., “Die Geschichte der deutschen Musik von 1908 bis 1933,” in Musikalische Schriften VI, Gesammelte Schriften 19 (Frankfurt/Main: Suhrkamp, 1984), 622Google Scholar. These assessments have been challenged, first, by revelations of Schoenberg's own nationalist sentiments and self-identification with the “bourgeois” traditions of the past; Schmidt-Faber, Werner, “Atonalität im Dritten Reich,” in Herausforderung Schönberg. Was die Musik des Jahrhunderts veränderte, ed. Dibelius, Ulrich, Reihe Hanser 166 (Munich: Carl Hanser Verlag, 1974), 122–24Google Scholar; and with the touting of Wagner-Régeny in Communist East Germany as a composer for the masses. See, for example, Komponisten und Musikwissenschaftler der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik (Berlin: Verlag Neue Musik, 1959), 191. This dichotomy similarly led Adorno to presume, incorrectly, that the twelve-tone composer Winfried Zillig must have been driven out of Nazi Germany and gone into exile, when in fact Zillig never emigrated but achieved a significant degree of success in the Third Reich; Prieberg, “Nach dem ‘Endsieg,’” 300. It even carried over into Michael Kater's first forays into the music history of the Third Reich; Kater, Michael, “The Revenge of the Fathers: The Demise of Modern Music at the End of the Weimar Republic,” German Studies Review 15 (1992): 295–315CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

24 Zenck, Claudia Maurer, “Zwischen Boykott und Anpassung an den Charakter der Zeit. Über die Schwierigkeiten eines deutschen Komponisten mit dem Dritten Reich,” Hindemith-Jahrbuch 9 (1980): 65–129Google Scholar.

25 Kater, Twisted Muse, 6. See also Kater, , Composers of the Nazi Era: Eight Portraits (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Meyer, Michael, The Politics of Music in the Third Reich, American University Studies IX: 49 (New York: Peter Lang, 1991)Google Scholar.

26 Kater, introduction to Music and Nazism, ed. Kater and Riethmüller, 12.

27 Giselher Schubert, “The Aesthetic Premises of a Nazi Conception of Music,” in Music and Nazism, ed. Kater and Riethmüller, 70.

28 See, for example, Petersen, Peter, “Wissenschaft und Widerstand. Über Kurt Huber (1893–1945),” in Die dunkle Last. Musik und Nationalsozialismus, ed. Sonntag, Brunhilde, Boresch, Hans-Werner, and Gojowy, Detlef, Schriften zur Musikwissenschaft und Musiktheorie 3 (Cologne: Bela Verlag, 1999), 111–29Google Scholar; Gerd Rienäcker, “Klassizismus oder Moderne? Rings um die Oper Die Bürger von Calais von Rudolf Wagner-Régeny,” in ibid., 391–404; and Jens Malte Fischer, “The Very German Fate of a Composer: Hans Pfitzner,” in Music and Nazism, ed. Kater and Riethmüller, 75–89.

29 Furtwängler alone has inspired a wealth of provocative journalistic and even cinematic exposés in recent years, such as Shirakawa, Sam H., The Devil's Music Master: The Controversial Life and Career of Wilhelm Furtwängler (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; Wessling, Bernd W., Furtwängler. Eine kritische Biographie (Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 1985)Google Scholar; and Prieberg, Fred K., Kraftprobe. Wilhelm Furtwängler im Dritten Reich (Wiesbaden: F. A. Brockhaus, 1986)Google Scholar and the English edition, Trial of Strength: Wilhelm Furtwängler in the Third Reich, trans. Christopher Dolan (Boston: Northeastern University Press, 1994), not to mention the stage-play-turned-film about his denazification trial, Ronald Harwood's Taking Sides.

30 Kershaw, Ian, The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation, 3rd ed. (New York: Edward Arnold, 1993), 21–22Google Scholar.

31 Introduced in ibid., chaps. 1–3; developed in greater detail in Herf, Jeffrey, Divided Memory: The Nazi Past in the Two Germanys (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1997)Google Scholar.

32 It is striking, for example, that the 1981 quote by Rudolf Stephan at the beginning of this article harbors sentiments virtually identical to American military officers' impressions of music in the Nazi era, reported in 1945, that Hitler “succeeded in transforming the lush field of musical creativity into a barren waste,” that Germany's most talented musicians had gone abroad, and that composers in the Third Reich had produced only works deemed “psychologically effective to the Nazi cause.” Quoted in Monod, Settling Scores, 116.

33 “Als Vorgabe eines Minimal-Konsenses unter den Autoren haben sich die Herausgeber darauf beschränkt, lediglich an Max Horkheimers Diktum zu erinnern, daß vom Faschismus schweigen solle, wer vom Kapitalismus nicht reden will.” Klein, “Vorwort,” 10.

34 Henry Bair, “Die Lenkung der Berliner Opernhäuser,” in Musik und Musikpolitik, ed. Heister and Klein, 83–90.

35 Hans-Günter Klein, “Viel Konformität und wenig Verweigerung. Zur Komposition neuer Opern 1933–1944,” in Musik und Musikpolitik, ed. Heister and Klein, 145–62.

36 Rita von der Grün, “Funktionen und Formen von Musiksendungen in Rundfunk,” in Musik und Musikpolitik, ed. Heister and Klein, 98–106; Martin Elste, “Zwischen Privatheit und Politik. Die Schallplattenindustrie im NS-Staat,” in ibid., 107–14; Antoinette Hellkuhl, “‘Hier sind wir versammelt zu löblichem Tun.’ Der Deutsche Sängerbund in faschistischer Zeit,” in ibid., 199.

37 Dorothea Kolland, “‘… in keiner Not uns trennen … ’Arbeitermusikbewegung im Widerstand,” in Musik und Musikpolitik, ed. Heister and Klein, 204–12.

38 Hellkuhl, “‘Hier sind wir versammelt zu löblichem Tun.’”

39 Meyer, The Politics of Music in the Third Reich. In 1994, meanwhile, music historian Erik Levi also drew generously from Prieberg but recast much of the same evidence to uphold the totalitarian concept in his book Music in the Third Reich (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994).

40 Steinweis, Alan E., Art, Ideology, and Economics in Nazi Germany: The Reich Chambers of Music, Theater, and the Visual Arts (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993)Google Scholar.

41 Kater, Michael H., Different Drummers: Jazz in the Culture of Nazi Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992)Google Scholar; see also Kater, Twisted Muse and Composers of the Nazi Era.

42 Carl Dahlhaus, “Politische Implikationen der Operndramaturgie. Zu einigen deutschen Opern der Dreißiger Jahre,” in Bericht über den internationalen musikwissenschaftlichen Kongress Bayreuth 1981, ed. Mahling and Wiesmann, 148–53; Hans-Günter Klein, “Atonalität in den Opern von Paul von Klenau und Winfried Zillig. Zur Duldung einer im Nationalsozialismus verfemten Kompositionstechnik,” in ibid., 490–94; Klein, “Viel Konformität und wenig Verweigerung,” 145–48; Levi, Erik, “Toward an Aesthetic of Fascist Opera,” in Berghaus, Günter, ed., Fascism and Theatre: Comparative Studies on the Aesthetics and Politics of Performance in Europe, 1925–1945 (Providence, RI: Berghahn, 1996), 264Google Scholar.

43 Walter, Michael, Hitler in der Oper. Deutsches Musikleben 1919–1945 (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1995), 175–213Google Scholar.

44 Ibid., 213–62.

45 Ibid., 195–98.

46 Kater, Twisted Muse, 178–79.

47 Lucia Sziborsky, “Adornos Musikphilosophie und die Nazi-Ästhetik,” in Die dunkle Last, ed. Sonntag, Boresch, and Gojowy, 23–41; Hans-Werner Boresch, “‘Zersetzender Intellektualismus’ und ‘apodiktiker Glaube.’ Die Nationalsozialisten in der Tradition des Antirationalismus,” in ibid., 64–91; Bettina Schlüter, “Paradoxie und Ritualisierung. Die ‘Kirchenmusikalische Erneuerungs-bewegung’ in der Nationalsozialismus,” in ibid., 130–45.

48 Thomas Eickhoff, “‘Harmonika—Heil.’ Über ein Musikinstrument und seine Ideologisierung im Nationalsozialismus,” in Die dunkle Last, ed. Sonntag, Boresch, and Gojowy, 146–83.

49 Hans-Werner Boresch, “Neubeginn mit Kontinuität. Tendenzen der Musikliteratur nach 1945,” in Die dunkle Last, ed. Sonntag, Boresch, and Gojowy, 286–317; Petersen, “Wissenschaft und Widerstand,” 11–129; Rienäcker, “Klassizismus oder Moderne?,” 391–404.

50 Reinhold Brinkmann, “The Distorted Sublime: Music and National Socialist Ideology—A Sketch,” in Music and Nazism, ed. Kater and Riethmüller, 45.

51 Ibid., 50.

52 Guido Heldt, “Hardly Heroes: Composers as a Subject in National Socialist Cinema,” in Music and Nazism, ed. Kater and Riethmüller, 115–16.

53 Hans Vaget, “Hitler's Wagner: Musical Discourse as Cultural Space,” in Music and Nazism, ed. Kater and Riethmüller, 15–31; Riethmüller, “Stefan Zweig,” 270. Riethmüller reassesses the fact that Hitler never responded to an apologetic letter Strauss had written to him after being forced to resign as president of the Music Chamber (following his insistence on continuing work with Jewish librettist Stefan Zweig) and raises the question of whether one should have even expected Hitler to pay attention to Strauss's entreaties, let alone the minutiae of musical aesthetics.

54 Celia Applegate, “The Past and Present of Hausmusik in the Third Reich,” in Music and Nazism, ed. Kater and Riethmüller, 145–47.

55 Quoted and translated in Stephen McClatchie, “Wagner Research as ‘Service to the People’: The Richard-Wagner-Forschungsstätte, 1938–1945,” in Music and Nazism, ed. Kater and Riethmüller, 160.

56 See Albrecht Riethmüller, “‘Is That Not Something for Simplicissimus?!’ The Belief in Musical Superiority,” in Music and German National Identity, ed. Applegate and Potter, 288–304.

57 Fischer, “Hans Pfitzner,” 75–89; Michael Kater, “Culture, Society, and Politics in the Cosmos of ‘Hans Pfitzner the German,’” in Music and German National Identity, ed. Applegate and Potter, 178–189; Potter, “Strauss and the National Socialists.”

58 Potter, Most German of the Arts, 120–124; Petersen, “Wissenschaft und Widerstand,” 11–129.

59 Pamela M. Potter, “Musical Life in Berlin From Weimar to Hitler,” in Music and Nazism, ed. Kater and Riethmüller, 90–101.

60 Steinweis, Art, Ideology, and Economics, 69–70; Applegate, Celia, “Saving Music: Enduring Experiences of Culture,” History & Memory 17 (2005): 221CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

61 Jarausch, Konrad and Geyer, Michael, Shattered Past: Reconstructing German Histories (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2003), 149–166Google Scholar.

62 Potter, Pamela M., “The Nazi ‘Seizure’ of the Berlin Philharmonic, or the Decline of a Bourgeois Musical Institution,” in National Socialist Cultural Policy, ed. Cuomo, Glenn R. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1995), 48–50Google Scholar; Geissmar, Berta, Musik im Schatten der Politik (Zurich: Atlantis, 1951), 77–79Google Scholar.

63 Gellately, Robert, Backing Hitler: Consent and Coercion in Nazi Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 257–63CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

64 See, for example, Lüdtke, Alf, “The Appeal of Exterminating ‘Others’: German Workers and the Limits of Resistance,” in The Third Reich, ed. Leitz, Christian, Blackwell Essential Readings in History (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), 155–177Google Scholar.

65 Baranowski, Shelley, Strength through Joy: Consumerism and Mass Tourism in the Third Reich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004)Google Scholar.

66 Potter, Pamela M., “The Deutsche Musikgesellschaft, 1918–1938,” The Journal of Musicological Research 11 (1991): 159–162CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

67 Kolland, “‘… in keiner Not uns trennen …,’” 204–12; Hellkuhl, “‘Hier sind wir versammelt zu löblichem Tun,’” 196ff. Wulf Konold further highlights how certain principles of the Jugendmusikbewegung, such as the emphasis on “community” (Gemeinschaft) and even expressions of anti-Semitism in the writings of its Weimar-era leader Fritz Jöde, carried over from the Weimar Republic into the Third Reich; “Kantaten, Fest- und Feiermusik,” in Musik und Musikpolitik, ed. Heister and Klein, 163–71.

68 Applegate, “Saving Music,” 221, and Applegate, “Past and Present of Hausmusik,” 136–49.

69 Peter Fritzsche argued that unlike the less successful, single-issue parties, the NSDAP succeeded by promoting an idea of community that would unite all (non-Jewish) Germans, obliterate their deep-seated oppositions, and promise a bright future. This vision enabled the Nazi party to appeal to the vast majority who were disillusioned with alternatives across the political spectrum and to attract voters from all economic classes. He states, “The National Socialists embodied a broad but extremely vague desire for national renewal and social reform that neither Wilhelmine nor Weimar Germany had been able to satisfy … [They] twisted together strands from the political Left and the political Right without being loyal to the precepts of either camp”; Fritzsche, Peter, Germans Into Nazis (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), especially 197–214 (quote from 212–214)Google Scholar. Even some basic introductory textbooks on modern German history reject the notion of a central ideology, as one widely used survey concludes, “The Nazis propagated, not a coherent doctrine or body of systematically interrelated ideas, but rather a vaguer worldview made up of a number of prejudices with varied appeals to different audiences which could scarcely be dignified with the term ‘ideology.’” Fulbrook, Mary, Divided Nation: A History of Germany 1918–1990 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991), 51Google Scholar.

70 Applegate and Potter, “Germans as the ‘People of Music,’” 23–24. In 1918, Kurt Eisner organized a revolutionary festival that featured Beethoven's Leonore Overture and Handel's Messiah, while in 1919 the Communist newspaper Die Rote Fahne countered any characterizations of Beethoven as “bourgeois,” and his music was used at the funeral of Rosa Luxembourg and Karl Liebknecht; Dennis, Beethoven in German Politics, 87–90.

71 Peters, Olaf, Neue Sachlichkeit und Nationalsozialismus. Affirmation und Kritik 1931–1947 (Berlin: Reimer, 1998)Google Scholar; van Dyke, James, “Franz Radziwill, the Art Politics of the National Socialist Regime, and the Question of Resistance in Germany, 1930–1939” (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 1996)Google Scholar; Betts, Paul, The Authority of Everyday Objects: A Cultural History of West German Industrial Design (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004)Google Scholar.

72 Recent studies include Walter, Hitler in der Oper; Lovisa, Fabian, Musikkritik im Nationalsozialismus. Die Rolle deutschsprachiger Musikzeitschriften 1920–1945, Neue Heidelberger Studien zur Musikwissenschaft 22 (Laaber: Laaber Verlag, 1993)Google Scholar; and John, Eckhard, Musikbolschewismus. Die Politisierung der Musik in Deutschland 1918–1938 (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1994)Google Scholar.

73 Dahlhaus, “Politische Implikationen,” 148–149; József Ujfalussy, “Musikpolitische Lehren der Dreißiger Jahre in Ost-Europa,” in Bericht über den internationalen musikwissenschaftlichen Kongress Bayreuth 1981, ed. Mahling and Wiesmann, 168–169.

74 Marius Flothuis, “Elan und Ermüdung. Musik um 1930 in England, Frankreich und den Niederlanden,” in Bericht über den internationalen musikwissenschaftlichen Kongress Bayreuth 1981, ed. Mahling and Wiesmann, 154–55, 157.

75 Albrecht Riethmüller, “Die Dreißiger Jahre. Eine Dekade kompositorischer Ermüdung oder Konsolidierung? Zusammenfassung der Diskussion,” in Bericht über den internationalen musikwissenschaftlichen Kongress Bayreuth 1981, ed. Mahling and Wiesmann, 176–177, 179.

76 Joan Evans, “‘International with National Emphasis’: The Internationales Zeitgenössisches Musikfest in Baden-Baden, 1936–1939,” in Music and Nazism, ed. Kater and Riethmüller, 108.

77 Jarausch and Geyer, Shattered Past, 163.

78 Kater, Different Drummers; Schäfer, Hans Dieter, Das gespaltene Bewußtsein. Deutsche Kultur und Lebenswirklichkeit 1933–1945, 2nd ed. (Munich: Carl Hansler Verlag, 1981), 133–38Google Scholar; Karina, Lilian and Kant, Marion, Hitler's Dancers: German Modern Dance and the Third Reich, trans. Steinberg, Jonathan (New York: Berghahn, 2003), 167–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

79 Gerigk, Herbert, “Eine Lanze für Schönberg,” Die Musik 27 (1934): 89Google Scholar. See also Potter, Pamela M., “Music in the Third Reich: The Complex Task of ‘Germanization,’” in The Arts in Nazi Germany: Continuity, Conformity, Change, ed. Huener, Jonathan and Nicosia, Frank (New York: Berghahn Books, 2006), 85–110Google Scholar.

80 Steinweis, Art, Ideology, and Economics, 138–42.

81 Monod, Settling Scores, 116–126, 198–99, 233–234; Beal, Amy, “Negotiating Cultural Allies: American Music in Darmstadt, 1946–1956,” Journal of the American Musicological Society 53 (2000): 105–139CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gesa Kordes, “Darmstadt, Postwar Experimentation, and the West German Search for a New Musical Identity,” in Music and German National Identity, ed. Applegate and Potter, 205–217.

82 Janik, Elizabeth, Recomposing German Music: Politics and Musical Tradition in Cold War Berlin, Studies in Central European Histories 40 (Leiden: Brill, 2005)Google Scholar; Joy Haslam Calico, “‘Für eine neue deutsche Nationaloper’: Opera in the Discourses of Unification and Legitimation in the German Democratic Republic,” in Music and German National Identity, ed. Applegate and Potter, 190–204.

83 Fulbrook, Divided Nation, 69; see also Kershaw, Nazi Dictatorship, chap. 4; Gellately, Backing Hitler, 257.

84 Kershaw, Ian, “‘Working towards the Führer’: Reflections on the Nature of the Hitler Dictatorship,” in Stalinism and Nazism: Dictatorships in Comparison, ed. Kershaw, Ian and Lewin, Moshe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 88–106Google Scholar.

85 The most comprehensive account of Hitler's involvement in the Bayreuth Festival is Hamann, Brigitte, Winifred Wagner oder Hitler's Bayreuth (Munich: Piper, 2002)Google Scholar; English edition, Winifred Wagner: A Life at the Heart of Hitler's Bayreuth, trans. Alan Bance (London: Granta Books, 2005).

86 “Es würde nun aber schlimm sein, wenn der Nationalsozialismus auf der einen Seite den Geist einer Zeit besiegt, der zur Ursache für das Verblassen unserer musikalischen Schöpferkraft wurde, auf der anderen aber durch eine falsche Zielsetzung selbst mithilft, die Musik auf einem Irrweg zu belassen oder gar zu führen, der genauso schlimm ist wie die hinter uns liegende allgemeine Verwirrung.” Quoted in Walter, Hitler in der Oper, 196.

87 Petropoulos, Jonathan, Art as Politics in the Third Reich (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996), 21–45Google Scholar; Kater, Twisted Muse, 188–190.

88 He could only offer such hazy notions as “the nature of music lies in melody” and not in theoretical constructs; “not all music is suited to everyone”; music is rooted in the folk, requires empathy rather than reason, deeply affects the spirit of man, and is the most glorious art of the German heritage; and musicians of the past must be respected. Joseph Goebbels, “Zehn Grundsätze deutschen Musikschaffens,” Amtliche Mitteilungen der Reichsmusikkammer 5 (1938), facsimile in Entartete Musik. Eine kommentierte Rekonstruktion, ed. Albrecht Dümling and Peter Girth (Düsseldorf: Landeshauptstadt Düsseldorf, 1988), 123; portions translated in Ellis, “Music in the Third Reich,” 127.

89 Potter, “Nazi ‘Seizure,’” and Potter, “Musical Life in Berlin.”

90 Fischer, Jens Malte, “Wagner-Interpretation im Dritten Reich. Musik und Szene zwischen Politisierung und Kunstanspruch,” in Richard Wagner im Dritten Reich. Ein Schloss Elmau-Symposium, ed. Friedländer, Saul and Rüsen, Jörn (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2000), 148–156Google Scholar.

91 Horst Weber, “Das Fremde im Eigenen. Zum Wandel des Wagnerbildes im Exil,” in Richard Wagner im Dritten Reich, ed. Friedländer and Rüsen, 212–229; Spotts, Frederick, Hitler and the Power of Aesthetics (London: Hutchinson Press, 2002), 240–246Google Scholar.

92 Hans Vaget, “National and Universal: Thomas Mann and the Paradox of ‘German’ Music,” in Music and German National Identity, ed. Applegate and Potter, 155–177.

93 In the early 1960s, Henze observed, “During these immediate post-war years no one believed how it could have been possible for a nation to have sunk so low—into a disgrace that centuries could not wash clean. We were assured by senior composers that music is abstract, not to be connected with everyday life, and that immeasurable and inalienable values are lodged in it (which is precisely why the Nazis censored those modern works which strove to achieve absolute freedom).” Henze, Hans Werner, Music and Politics: Collected Writings 1953–61, trans. Labanyi, Peter (London: Faber and Faber, 1982), 40Google Scholar. By 2001, Henze could compose in a manner that would finally be understood in terms of its Germanic compositional heritage. In describing Henze's ninth symphony, Paul Griffiths states, “Germany is inscribed in the memories on which the symphony is based, the Germany in which Mr. Henze grew up and in whose army he had to serve, as a radio operator and propaganda film extra, in the last year and a half of [World War II]. Germanic, too, is his music's heritage: Bach, Beethoven, Wagner, Mahler, Schoenberg.” Paul Griffiths, “Facing Challenges of Greatness and Mortality,” The New York Times, February 18, 2001.

94 Jarausch and Geyer, Shattered Past, 151; Kershaw, “‘Working towards the Führer,’” 88.

95 For example, one of the two themes of the 1994 Bach conference in Leipzig was “Bach unter den Diktaturen 1933–1945 und 1945–1989,” Bericht über die wissenschaftliche Konferenz anlässlich des 69. Bachfestes der neuen Bachgesellschaft, Leipzig, 29. und 30. März 1994, Leipziger Beiträge zur Bach-Forschung 1 (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1995).