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The Factory Action and the Events at the Rosenstrasse in Berlin: Facts and Fictions about 27 February 1943 — Sixty Years Later

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Wolf Gruner
Wolf Gruner
Affiliation:
Technical University Berlin
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Extract

On 27 February 1943 in Nazi Germany the Gestapo brutally arrested more than ten thousand Jewish men and women. Martin Riesenburger, later the Chief Rabbi of the German Democratic Republic, recalled that day as “the great inferno.” This large-scale raid marked the beginning of the final phase of the mass deportations, which had been under way since October 1941. Also interned in Berlin were people who, according to NS terminology, lived in so-called mixed marriages. But new documents show that no deportation of this special group was planned by the Gestapo. In the past decade, in both the German as well as the American public, quite a bit of attention has been paid to the fact that non-Jewish relatives publicly demonstrated against the feared deportation of their Jewish partners. The scholarly literature as well has pictured this protest as a unique act of resistance that prevented the deportation of these Jews living in mixed marriages. The fact that during this raid an untold number of Jews, both women and men, fled and went underground has so far been ignored. Since we still know much too little, the following article will discuss all the events of the spring of 1943 and their background.

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Central European History , Volume 36 , Issue 2 , June 2003 , pp. 179 - 208
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Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2003

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References

Translated by Marcum, Ursula. A German version of this article appeared in Jahrbuch für Antisemitismus Forschung (2002); 137–77Google Scholar.

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52. Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, part 2, 7:528: entry of 11 03 1942.

53. Cf. copy of undated letter (approx. beginning of March 1943) in Akten deutscher Bischöfe über die Lage der Kirche 1933–1945, vol. VI: 1943–1945, ed. Volk, Ludwig (Mainz, 1985), Dok. 817, 19–21Google Scholar. I am grateful to Rainer Decker (Paderborn) for pointing out this source.

54. Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, part 2, 7:449, 528: entries 2 and 11 03 1943.

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57. AS LG Berlin, 3 P Ks 1/71, vol. XXXVI, fols. 94: witness interrogation Karl Hefter, 3 02 1956, 1. See ibid., vol. XVIII, fols. 20: witness interrogation Otto Fried, 13 04 1966. See also Degen, , Mörder, 24Google Scholar.

58. Interview by the author with G. Fabian, 22 January 1991, 5.

59. Report Kurt Lindenberg, in Schoenberner and Schoenberner, Zeugen, 319–22.

60. See Zahn, Christine, “Nicht mitgehen, sondern weggehen!” Chug Chaluzi — eine jüdische Jugendgruppe im Untergrund,” in Juden im Widerstand: Drei Gruppen zwischen Überlebenskampf und politischer Aktion 1939–1945, ed. Vathke, Werner and Löhken, Wilfried (Berlin, 1993), 159–205Google Scholar.

61. For some years now a research project about the rescue of German Jews during the NS period is under way at the Zentrum für Antisemitismusforschung (Technische Universität Berlin).

62. Klemperer, Tagebücher 1942–1945, 335–36, entry of 27 February 1943.

63. See discussion in Hilberg, 2:437–49; Adam, Uwe-Dietrich, Judenpolitik im Dritten Reich (Düsseldorf, 1972), 322–26Google Scholar; and Adler, , Mensch, 287–88Google Scholar.

64. Gruner, Wolf, “Die NS-Judenverfolgung und die Kommunen: Zur wechselseitigen Dynamisierung von zentraler und lokaler Politik 1933–1941,” Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte 48, no. 1 (2000): 75–126, here 75Google Scholar.

65. Protocol of the conference in Pätzold, Kurt and Schwarz, Erika, Tagesordnung: Judenmord: Die Wannseekonferenz am 20. Januar 1942: Eine Dokumentation zur Organisation der “Endlösung” (Berlin, 1992), 109–11Google Scholar. Longerich stresses that Heydrichs's statements concerned longterm projects, not actual practice; Longerich, Peter, Die Wannsee-Konferenz vom 20. January 1942: Planung und Beginn des Genozids an den europäischen Juden (Berlin, 1998), 46Google Scholar. Stoltzfus und Schröder, by contrast, take the references to “mixed marriages” as final decisions; Stoltzfus, , Aufstand, 235–36Google Scholar; Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 48Google Scholar.

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67. LBI/A New York, Microfilms: Wiener Library, 500 series, no. 526: Inspector for Statistics at RFSS as of 1 January 1943 “Die Endlösung der europäischen Judenfrage” (1. Korherr-Bericht), 6. The “mixed marriage” numbers of Berlin are from beginning of 1942. Since they were not deported, the numbers should have remained the same; BA Berlin, R 8150, Film 52407–23, fols. 152: Number of Jews 31 January 1942 (RV-Statistik).

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69. BLHA Potsdam, Pr. Br. Rep. 41 Grossräschen, Nr. 272, fols. 84–85: order Gestapo Frankfurt/Oder of 24 February 1943.

70. Klemperer, Tagebücher 1942–1945, 337, entry of 28 February 1943.

71. Letter of Margarete Sommer (Hilfswerk für jüdische Katholiken beim Bischöflichen Ordinariat Berlin), (ca. 2 March 1943), in Akten deutscher Bischöfe, vol. VI, 1943–1945, Dok. 817, 19–21. Telegram of 2 March 1943, in ibid., 21, n. 3. Bertram himself sent parallel written requests to the same NS institutions; ibid., Dok. 818, 21–23: letter of 2 March 1943.

72. See the main thesis of Stoltzfus, Resistance of the Heart.

73. AS LG Berlin, Js 9/65, ZH 75, fols. 6: witness interrogation of Gerda Kühnel, 30 09 1966. See Henschel, , Arbeit, 47–48Google Scholar. For specific camps see AS LG Berlin, Js 9/65, ZH 110, fols. 11–12: interrogation Curt Radlauer, 10 November 1966; ibid., 3 P Ks 1/71, vol. XII, fols. 89–90: witness interrogation Julius Coper of 1 November 1965; ibid., fols. 80: interrogation Kurt Block, 28 October 1965; ibid., vol. XVIII, fols. 37: interrogation Rudolf Schwersensky, 15 04 1966; report Löwenstein, in Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 174Google Scholar; report in Schulle, Diana, “Gebt unsere Männer frei!,” in Juden in Berlin 1938–1945, ed. Meyer, Beate and Simon, Hermann. Catalog to the exhibition of the same title, Stiftung “Neue Synagoge Berlin — Centrum Judaicum” Mai to August 2000 (Berlin, 2000), 163–64Google Scholar.

74. AS LG Berlin, 3 P Ks 1/71, vol. XVIII, fols. 21: witness interrogation Otto Fried, 13 04 1966. Similar description in Stoltzfus, , Aufstand, 295Google Scholar. See report Lewin, Erika in Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 116–17Google Scholar.

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76. Conversation with K. A. in Zehn Brüder waren wir gewesen, 405–6. After a few days, the Gestapo transferred approximately 150–200 “protected” from the camp in the Grosse Hamburger Strasse to the Rosenstrasse; report Wagner, Alfred in Schulle, , Männer, 163Google Scholar.

77. See Meyer, Beate, “Die Inhaftierung der ‘jüdisch Versippten’ in der Berliner Rosenstrasse im Spiegel staatsanwaltlicher Zeugenvernehmungen in der DDR,” in Jahrbuch für Antisemitismus-forschung 11 (Berlin, 2002), 186Google Scholar.

78. Akten deutscher Bischöfe, vol. VI, Dok. 820, 25.

79. BA Berlin, R 8150, no. 50, fols. 417 u. RS: RV-Notiz Nr. 243 regarding the meeting at RSHA on 9 March 1943. Henschel, , Arbeit, 50Google Scholar.

80. CJA Berlin, 4.1, no. 56, unfol.: letter of 2 August 1946. See reports in Stoltzfus, , Aufstand, 306Google Scholar; report in Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 118–22Google Scholar.

81. Stoltzfus asserts that mainly Jews from nonprotected mixed marriages were interned and that was the reason for so few women being in the camps; Stoltzfus, , Aufstand, 401–2Google Scholar; similarly Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 48Google Scholar. Yet, even if one accepted this questionable assumption, the number of women should have been much higher. It is of course possible that the number of women in “mixed marriages” who worked in industry was lower than that of men, because they were more often categorized as “privileged,” but there is no way that the extremely uneven share of the interned of a little more than one hundred women to far more than a thousand men could be correct.

82. BA Berlin, R 8150, no. 51, fols. 233: Jüdischer Religionsverband Hamburg (Plaut) to RV on 12 March 1943.

83. Ibid., fols. 4: Note concerning the workforce JKV Berlin on 31 January 1943. Also CJA Berlin, Diverses JKV Berlin, unfol.: Reorganisationsplan für RV und JKV Berlin of 31 January 1943. I am grateful to Thomas Jersch (Berlin) for pointing out the latter source. To the discharges and deportations, see Gruner, , Reichshauptstadt, 246–51Google Scholar.

84. Gruner, , Reichshauptstadt, 246–51Google Scholar.

85. AS LG Berlin, 3 P Ks 1/71, vol. XII, fols. 82–83: Witness interrogation Kurt Block, 28 10 1965; see also ibid., vol. XXXIII, fols. 187: witness interrogation Erich Munter of 26 10 1967; report in von Doetinchem, Hartung, Zerstörte Fortschritte, 200–1Google Scholar.

86. See copy of discharge paper of 5 March 1943 from collection point Rosenstrasse; Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 96fGoogle Scholar. For discharges of 5 March 1943 see e.g., CJA Berlin, 4.1., no. 105 and 173, unfol.

87. AS LG Berlin, 3 P Ks 1/71, vol. XII, fols. 91: witness interrogation Julius Coper, 1 11 1965; also report Merten, Lilo in Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 260Google Scholar.

88. AS LG Berlin, Js 9/65, ZH 110, fols. 11–12: witness interrogation Curt Radlauer, 10 11 1966. Radlauer then worked at the Rechts- und Abwicklungsstelle; CJA Berlin, Diverses JKV Berlin, unfol.: Stellenplan JKV Berlin of 1 April 1943.

89. See copies of two discharge papers of 7 March 1943 in Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 215–16Google Scholar. See note “Keine Ausgabe von Lebensmittelkarten” on discharge paper of 5 March 1943, copy in Girod, Regina, Lidschun, Reiner, and Pfeiffer, Otto, “Nachbarn: Juden in Friedrichshain,” ed. Kulturring, in Berlin e.V. (Berlin, 2000), 66Google Scholar. For more discharge dates of 6 to 8 March 1943, see CJH Berlin, 4.1.

90. Stoltzfus, , Aufstand, 335Google Scholar.

91. BA Berlin, R 8150, Nr. 50, fols. 417: RV-Notation no. 243 concerning meeting at RSHA on 9 March 1943.

92. Figured according to Stellenplan JKV Berlin of 1 April 1943 and Mitarbeiterstand JKV Berlin (list of names) of 31 January 1943; CJA Berlin, Diverses JKV Berlin, unfol. I wish to thank Thomas Jersch (Berlin) for this source.

93. Ball-Kaduri (Berlin), 226; AS LG Berlin, Bovensiepen-Prozess, vol. XXX, fols. 94: witness interrogation Walter Freund of 22 May 1967; CJA Berlin, 4.1, no. 150, unfol.: Letter Eva Bileski of 9 10 1945; von Doetinchem, Hartung, Zerstörte Fortschritte, 198–200Google Scholar. See CJA Berlin, Diverses JKV Berlin, unfol.: RV-Stellenplan of 11 Nov. 1943.

94. See n. 94. See also BA Berlin, R 8150, no. 50, fols. 430: notation (Moritz Henschel) concerning discussion at Stapoleitstelle Berlin (Stock, Dobberke) on 18 March 1943.

95. Forty-seven men and two women from mixed marriages as well as two Geltungsjüdinnen kept their jobs. See n. 94 and RV-Stellenplan of 11 November 1943, ibid.

96. Copies of some of these passes in Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin: Bilder und Dokumente, 323. BA Berlin, R 8150, no. 50, fols. 417RS: RV-file notation no. 243 concerning discussion at RSHA on 9 March 1943.

97. Henschel, , Arbeit, 50Google Scholar.

98. Ibid., also Elkin, , Krankenhaus, 39–40Google Scholar; von Doetinchem, Hartung, Zerstörte Fortschritte, 191–92Google Scholar. In January 1943 the Community had over eight hundred workers, at the end of March only 450 remained (plus ca. 100 at the hospital). Since two hundred of them were newly-hired Jews from mixed marriages, 450 people were missing, all so-called Volljuden; see n. 94 and RV-Stellenplan of 11 November 1943, ibid. For the transports see Gedenkbuch Berlins, 1420–22; see Gruner, , Judenverfolgung in Berlin, 99–101Google Scholar.

99. Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, part 2, 7:595, entry from 20 March 1942.

100. Ibid., part 2, 7:528, entry from 11 March 1942.

101. See, for example, Gad Beck, who as former inmate refers to the traditional “facts,” including the mounted and then withdrawn machine guns of the SS“; Und Gad ging zu David, 101. See also the testimony in Bovensiepen-Prozess: LAB, Rep. 057–01, no. R 34/34, unfol.: witness interrogation Walter Freund of 22 May 1967, 4; AS LG Berlin, 3 P Ks 1/71, vol. VII, fols. 4: witness interrogation Curt Naumann, 14 07 1965; ibid., vol. V, fols. 43: witness interrogation Harry Schnapp (undat.).

102. Report Israel, Charlotte in Grunewald-Rampe, 147Google Scholar; report Gad Beck in Schröder, Gegnerinnen, 144.

103. Andreas-Friedrich, , Der Schattenmann, 103–4Google Scholar; Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 29Google Scholar.

104. Stoltzfus, , Aufstand, 12, 295, 309Google Scholar; idem, Protest, 218.

105. Jochheim, , Frauenprotest (1993), 137Google Scholar.

106. Reports Erika Lewin, Miriam Rosenberg and Lilo Merten; ibid., 108, 175, and 235; report Gross, Ruth, in Aus Nachbarn wurden Juden: Ausgrenzung und Selbstbehauptung 1933–1942 (catalog to the exhibition of the same title), ed. Rosenstrauch, Hazel (Berlin, 1988), 129Google Scholar; reports Weigert, Frau and Stoltzfus, Hilda Elkuss bei, Aufstand, 302, 311Google Scholar; AS LG Berlin, Js 9/65, ZH 110, fols. 13: Zwischenvermerk Anna Radlauer in witness interrogation Curt Radlauer of 10 November 1966.

107. Report Ursula Braun in Schröder, Gegnerinnen, 82.

108. AS LG Berlin, Js 9/65, ZH 110, fols. 13: Zwischenvermerk Anna Radlauer in witness interrogation Curt Radlauer, 10 November 1966; ibid., fols. 14: witness interrogation Curt Radlauer of 10 November 1966; also report Löwenstein in Schröder, Gegnerinnen, 211; report Hans Reichow in Helas, Horst, Juden in Berlin-Mitte: Biografien, Orte, Begegnungen (Berlin, 2000), 210Google Scholar.

109. Hans-Oskar Löwenstein concerning the testimony of his mother; Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 213Google Scholar.

110. Stoltzfus, Elsa Holzer bei, Aufstand, 320–21Google Scholar. In her report in Schröder, she does not mention it. Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 267–86Google Scholar.

111. According to Hans Grossmann in Jochheim, Frauenprotest (1993), 131–32.

112. Schröder, , Gegnerinnen, 90–91Google Scholar.

113. Report Gross, Ruth, in Aus Nachbarn wurden Juden, 129–30Google Scholar; idem, report as well as reports Ernst Bukowzer and Frau Weigert in Stoltzfus, Aufstand, 299, 307–8.

114. Jochheim, , Frauenprotest (1993), 136–37Google Scholar; Stoltzfus, , Aufstand, 347Google Scholar.

115. Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, part 2, 7:487: entry of 6 March 1943. See Jochheim, , Frauenprotest (1993), 133Google Scholar; Stoltzfus, , Protest, 227–28Google Scholar. Rainer Decker makes the same objection to this assumption in his Online-review of Stoltzfus's book (http://hsozkult.geschichte.hu-berlin.de/rezensio/buecher/2000/dera0500.htm).

116. Jochheim, , Frauenprotest (1993), 170Google Scholar; Stoltzfus, , Aufstand, 323–25, 390Google Scholar.

117. To the classification of the 25 Männer as “people in protective custody” (Schutzhäftlinge) see cable of 8 March 1943 to the WVHA, in Topographie des Terrors, 119; Czech, , Kalendarium, 434Google Scholar.

118. Stoltzfus, , Aufstand, 36Google Scholar. He states that the RSHA prepared for their transport, but uses as the only proof the findings of a postwar trial; ibid., 277.

119. See Kingreen, , Frankfurt, 383Google Scholar; Meyer, “Jüdische Mischlinge,” 58–59; Johnson, , Terror, 460–63Google Scholar.

120. Gruner, , Arbeitseinsatz, 322–26Google Scholar. See CJA Berlin, 4.1, no. 149, 284, 1495, 1527, 1529, 1631. unfol.

121. Gestapo order, 18 December 1943 cited in Stoltzfus, , Protest. 230Google Scholar. On 10 January 1944, a transport with 354 persons left Berlin, Gedenkbuch Berlins, 1433. See the cases: CJA Berlin, 4.1, no. 257, 379, 261, 179. Gruner, , Arbeitseinsatz, 328–29Google Scholar; Institut Theresienstädter Initiative, ed., Theresienstädter Gedenkbuch: Die Opfer der Judentransporte aus Deutschland nach Theresienstadt 1942–1945, ed. (Prague, 2000), 89Google Scholar.

122. See these theses in Enzyklopädie des Holocaust: Die Verfolgung und Ermordung der europäischen Juden, ed. Gutman, Israel, German edition by Jäckel, Eberhard et al. (Munich, 1995), 1:342Google Scholar.

123. BA Berlin, R 8150, no. 69, fols. 57: RV-Statistik für März 1943; see Gruner, , Reichshauptstadt, 253Google Scholar.

124. The thesis concerning the decisive role of Goebbels in Stoltzfus, Aufstand, 13, 346. Stoltzfus contradicts himself at another place when he asserts that the internment had been a local action of lower ranking Gestapo officials; Stoltzfus, , Aufstand, 353Google Scholar. After Stoltzfus in Johnson, Terror, 455.

125. On the assumed ending see Stolzfus, , Aufstand, 32Google Scholar; Jochheim, , Frauenprotest (1983), 138Google Scholar; Grunewald-Rampe, 148.

126. All of these claims are in Stoltzfus, Aufstand, 363. Stoltzfus, “Third Reich History,” 681; idem, Aufstand, 341; idem, Protest, 239, 246. See also the definitive critique of Stoltzfus in Dipper, Schwierigkeiten mit der Resistenz, 409–16.