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“Germany Is Our Mission—Christ Is Our Strength!”The Wehrmacht Chaplaincy and the “German Christian” Movement

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Doris L. Bergen
Doris L. Bergen
Affiliation:
Ms. Bergen is assistant professor of history at the University of Notre Dame, Notre Dame, Indiana.
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Extract

Recent scholarship has exploded the myth that German soldiers had nothing to do with genocidal crimes in World War II. We now know that what Omer Bartov has called the “barbarization of warfare” on the eastern front involved regular military as well as SS units and the Einsatzgruppen. But what about the chaplains, Protestant and Catholic, who accompanied Hitler's forces? Those men, linked into both ecclesiastical and military hierarchies, preached and administered the sacraments. Following established traditions, they also boosted morale, accompanied condemned men to their executions, and supported Germany's war aims.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 66 , Issue 3 , September 1997 , pp. 522 - 536
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1997

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References

I am grateful to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Alberta Heritage Foundation, and the Max-Planck-Institut für Geschichte in Göttingen for funding the archival research on which this study is based. An earlier version of the paper was presented to the American Military Institute; thanks to David Yelton, Peter Fritzsche, and Williamson Murray for stimulating comments at that time. Thank you as well to Edward Roslof, Gerhard I. Weinberg, John Roth, Susannah Heschel, and an anonymous reader for criticism and suggestions.

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12. “Pers. Akten,” N282/16, BA-MA Freiburg; and order from War Minister, 30 April 1935 (on the promotion of Lonicer to army pastor), RW 12 1/2, p. 18, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

13. See Dohrmann's notes on years as military chaplain, 1870–1945 (hereafter Dohrmann's notes), assembled in 1965, N282/1, p. 62, BA-MA Freiburg. His account is confirmed by his vicar, Friedrich Münchmeyer; “Erinnerungen an Feldbischof D. Franz Dohrmann,” in Kunst, p. 15. Münchmeyer recalls attempts to oust Dohrmann in 1939 and 1942. He does not name Lonicer but notes the challenger was a German Christian.Google Scholar

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17. Thomas, Charles S., The German Navy in the Nazi Era (Annapolis, Md., 1990), p. 68.Google Scholar

18. Ronneberger to Navy High Command, Wilhelmshaven, 17 Oct. 1934, RM 26/36, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

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20. See Scholder, Klaus, The Churches and the Third Reirh, vol. 1, Preliminary Histcnt and the Time of Illusions, 1918–1934, trans. Bowden, John (London, 1987).Google Scholar

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22. Muhs to Supreme Command (OKW), 22 May 1944, RH 15/272, pp. 216–217, BA-MA Freiburg; a specific case in Muhs to OKW, RH 15/272, p. 116, BA-MA Freiburg; same file, Bunke, “Bericht der Wehrmachtkommandantur Berlin,” 18 Dec. 1943; and OKW (Gruppe S) memo to military bishops, 21 March 1944, p. 113.Google Scholar

23. See, for example, report of Gestapo Hanover on Pastor Friedrich Voges, in Deputy Chief Command, District XI, to OKH, 17 Nov. 1944, RH 15/270, p. 25, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

24. Church ministry files on chaplains, 51.01/23846 and 23847, BA Potsdam.Google Scholar

25. Most of the names of German Christian chaplains come from church ministry files, 51.01/23846–23847, BA Potsdam; others are known to me from my research on the German Christian movement.Google Scholar

26. Estimated numbers of chaplains vary. See “Zusammenstellung der eingesetzten Pfarrer,” [1941], RH 15/281, p. 35, BA-MA Freiburg; “Kriegsdienst der evang. Geistlichen Deutschlands, nach den statistischen Angaben der Deutsch-Evangelischen Kirchenkanzlei Berlin, Stand 1.10.1941,” Kreisdekan Nürnberg/121, Landeskirchenarchiv Nürnberg (hereafter LKA Nuremberg); and “Aufstellung der Soil- und Iststärke an Evangelischen Kriegspfarrern nach dem Stande vom 25.11.1944,” N282/8, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

27. Twenty-three German Christians chaplains approved, 51.01/23846–23847, BA Potsdam.Google Scholar

28. Münchmeyer, , “Erinnerungen an Feldbischof Franz Dohrmann,” in Kunst, p. 18.Google Scholar

29. After Minister of War Blomberg abolished the civilian position of base chaplain in 1937, it became very difficult for anyone who had not gone through the full selection process to provide pastoral care to the military; Order, War Minister von Blomberg, 25 May 1937, N282/6, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

30. On Gottfried Adolf Krummacher's appointment to military chaplain in Posen, see Dohrmann to Chaplain XXI (draft), 15 Nov. 1939, RW 12 I/9, p. 10, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

31. Superintendent Clarenbach, Soest, Westphalia, identifies chaplain, Pastor Dietwald Wilms of Dinker near Hamm, Westphalia, as a German Christian; Clarenbach to recruiting station, 7 Oct. 1942, and list dated 21 May 1940, 4,55/A/61, LKA Bielefeld. See RH 15/282, BA-MA Freiburg, and Dohrmann's report mentioning Professor Hermann Wolfgang Beyer, 14 Oct. 1943, RH 15/280, p. 113, BA-MA Freiburg. Reference to Pastor Gerhard May of Cilli/Unterst. in report of meeting of base chaplains in Salzburg, 1944, RH 15/280, pp. 143–144, BA-MA Freiburg; after the war May was involved with the former German Christians based in Minden.Google Scholar

32. Deutsche Christen Nationalkirchliche Einung Informationsdienst, ed. Dungs, Heinz (Weimar, 30 03 1943): 12–13, 1/A4/56, EZA Berlin.Google Scholar

33. Dungs, untitled circular distributed by the Deutsche Christen Nationalkirchliche Einung, Weimar, 30 Jan. 1943, 1/A4/565, EZA Berlin.Google Scholar

34. Schübel, p. 84.Google Scholar

35. Church ministry to OKH, 25 Aug.1942, 51.01/23846, pp. 183–185, BA Potsdam.Google Scholar

36. Church ministry to Dohrmann, 16 June 1944, RW 12 1/8, p. 310, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

37. From February 1940 to May 1941,972 Protestant clergymen applied as chaplains: 233 were accepted, 564 were rejected, and 175 remained under consideration; Senftleben, OKH/AHA/Gruppe Seelsorge, “Vortragsvermerk,” Berlin, 25 May 1941, p. 1, N282/11, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

38. Dohrmann even accepted praise for his ability to compromise from the German Christian vice-president of the Protestant church council in Berlin;Google Scholarsee Hymmen, to Dohrmann, , 30 March 1944, N282/1, pp. 271–272, and reply, p. 227, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

39. “Verzeichnis der von den zuständigen amtlichen Stellen zur Verbreitung innerhalb der Wehrmacht freigegebenen Schriften,” 19 Sept. 1940, Evang. Presseverband fur Deutschland, RW 12 1/14, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

40. Commander-in-Chief of the Army, 10 Nov. 1939, N282/7, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

41. Excerpt from NSDAP Order, 24 Feb. 1940, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Reichsstatthalter (RStH) 681/9, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv (hereafter BHStA Munich).

42. OKW to OKH, 17 Feb. 1942, N282/4, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

43. Dohrmann, to Edelmann, , 24 April 1942, N282/2, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

44. “Haushaltsangelegenheiten, Bd. 4: 1937–1941,” RH 15/277, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

45. Bauerle, , “Tätigkeitsbericht des Ev. Armeepfarrers beim Armeeoberkommando 16 (Abt. IVd/e) für die Zeit vom 16.10.1944 bis 31.12.1944,” 27 Jan. 1945, p. 3, Series T-312, roll 640, frame 8268745, U.S. National Archives Microfilm. Thanks to David Grier for bringing this report to my attention.Google Scholar

46. Like many people now writing on the subject—Yehuda Bauer, Leonard Dinnerstein, Susannah Heschel, Richard S. Levy, and others—I use the unhyphenated spelling of “antisemitism.” A hyphen would imply that there was such a thing as “semitism,” which those who hated Jews then opposed. The term “Semitic,” of course, refers to a group of related languages. But European proponents of exclusion, expulsion, and murder of Jews had no interest in implementing similar measures against other peoples who could be deemed “Semitic” (Arabs, for example). Perhaps the grammatical illogic of “antisemitism” without a hyphen also expresses in a small way the essential irrationality of the concept. For a brief discussion of the term,Google Scholarsee Wistrich, Robert S., Antisemitism: The Longest Hatred (New York, 1991), pp. xv–xvi.Google ScholarOn refusal to hyphenate, see Langmuir, Gavin I., Toward a Definition of Antisemitism (Berkeley, Calif., 1990), p. 16.Google Scholar

47. Schieber, , “Bericht über die Versammlung der evangelischen Standortpfarrer des Wehrkreises V in Stuttgart am 22. Juni 1936,” 7 July 1936, p. 5, RH 53–5/73, p. 8, BA-MA FreiburgGoogle Scholar

48. Bauerle, , “Rundschreiben Armeepfarrer 16,” Nachlaβ Bauerle, Landeskirchliches Museum, Ludwigsburg (hereafter LKM Ludwigsburg). Many thanks to Eberhard Gutekunst and Andrea Kittel for access to this collection.Google Scholar

49. See, for example, the Feldzeitung in Nachlaβ Bauerle, LKM Ludwigsburg.Google Scholar

50. For example, one chaplain bemoaned neopagan soldiers who engaged chaplains in conversation in order to ridicule the church for “embarrassing” aspects of its history such as the mission to the Jews; Doerne, “Lazarettseelsorge: Referat bei der Standort- und Lazarettpfarrerkonferenz im Wehrkreis IV Dresden, 7.7.1943,” in Mitleilungsblatl des Evangelischen Feldbischofs, no. 3 (15 October 1943): 5, RW 12 1/13:6, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

51. Horneff, Willy to Diehl, Bishop Ludwig, 31 Jan. 1940, 150.15/1 (G-L), Zentralarchiv der Evangelischen Kirche der Pfalz, Nachlaβ Diehl, Speyer, Germany.Google Scholar

52. See Alberti, Rüdiger, Als Kriegspfarrer in Polen: Erlebnisse und Begegnungen in Kriegslazarelten (Leipzig, Germany, 1940), p. 42.Google Scholar

53. The Evangelisches Feldgesangbuch (Berlin, 1939) measured two by three inches.Google Scholar

54. Advertisement for “Die Lieder der kommenden Kirche,” Evangelische Nachrichten, 23 April 1939, 5, 1/293, LKA Bielefeld.Google Scholar

55. Christian, German efforts include Lieder für Gottesfeiern (Weimar, Germany, 1938), forward byGoogle ScholarSchwadtke, Paul, containing thirty-nine songs; Lieder der kommenden Kirche (Bremen, Germany, [1938]), forward byGoogle ScholarWeidemann, Heinz; and Groβer Gott wir loben Dich! (n.p., 1941).Google Scholar

56. One version replaced “Lord Sabaoth” with “der Herr, unser Gott”; see “Feier zur Einsegnung der Konfirmanden,” Hagen, [n.d.], 5,1/293, LKA Bielefeld.Google Scholar

57. “Ein feste Burg,” no. 12, Evangelisches Feldgesangbuch, p. 30.Google Scholar

58. “Groβer Gott, wir loben Dich,” no. 19, Evangelisches Feldgesangbuch, p. 36.Google Scholar

59. “Stille Nacht,” Evangelisches Feldgesangbuch, p. 59.Google Scholar

60. Schmidt, Hans, Die Nationalkirche als religiöse Erbe und überkommene Verpflichtung für die nach uns Kommenden, circular of the DC Nationalkirchliche Einung Theol. Arbeitskreis (Saarburg, Germany, 20 01 1943): 17, 1/A4/565, EZA Berlin.Google Scholar

61. Schübell pp. 90–92.

62. For prohibition against sending religious literature to soldiers, see Supreme Command to church ministry, 1 March 1940, Berlin, RSth 681/9, BHStA Munich.Google Scholar

63. Fiebig, , “Feldanschriften,” 19 Oct. 1939, 4,55/A/61, LKA Bielefeld; andGoogle ScholarTheologische Arbeitsbrief, 1 April 1943 (for example), 5,1/295/2, LKA Bielefeld; orGoogle Scholar“Die geistliche Leitung Pfarrer Fiebig grüβt Euch Soldaten,” 15 Jan. 1940, 5,1/295, 1, LKA Bielefeld.Google Scholar

64. “Auszug aus dem Protokoll des Kirchenrats Lübeck, den 15 Sept. 1942, Nr. 3,” Kirchenkampf collection (KK)/34, Kirchenarchiv Lübeck.Google Scholar

65. See, for example, DC Nationalkirchl. Einung Informalionsdienst, 4/43, 30 March 1943, pp. 12–13, 1/A4/565, EZA Berlin.Google Scholar

66. Dungs, untitled circular, Weimar, 30 Jan. 1943, 1/A4/565, EZA Berlin.Google Scholar

67. Niemann, , “Christentum und Deutschtum. Predigt im Reformationsmonat,” Theologischer Arbeitsbrief, 1 Oct. 1942, pp. 10–13, 5,1/295/2, LKA Bielefeld.Google Scholar

68. The relevant guidelines to chaplains are the following: August 1939, Army High Command's 18-point “Merkblatt über Feldseelsorge,” RH 15/262, BA-MA Freiburg; a 1941 speech by Edelmann of the OKH/AHA on “Wesen und Aufgabe der Feldseelsorge,” to assembly of senior chaplains, provides the official line as of that date; Edelmann, “Wesen,” [1941], RH 15/282, pp. 22–36, BA-MA Freiburg; the 1942 revised guidelines appear in draft form as “Richtlinien für die Durchführung der Feldseelsorge,” 3. Entwurf, Gruppe S, Berlin, 17 April 1942, N282/2, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

69. “Truppe des Weltanschauungskriegs” from the title by Krausnick, and Wilhelm, .Google Scholar

70. Edelmann, , “Wesen,” 1941, RH 15/282, pp. 22–36, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

71. Ibid.

72. Schubring, , “Arbeit der Feldseelsorge im Kriege,” N282/4, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

73. In 1936 Army High Command wrote to Dohrmann complaining that two army pastors had not yet completed paperwork establishing Aryan blood; OKH to Dohrmann, 29 April 1936, p. 46, RW 12 1/2, BA-MA Freiburg. The 1940 regulations stipulated that a pastor could only be appointed if he and his wife were of “German or kindred blood”;Google ScholarEdelmann, “Anstellungs-und Beförderungsbestimmungen für Wehrmachtpfarrer,” [1940], OKH/AHA/Gruppe S, p. 1, N282/8.75, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

74. Edelmann, , “Wesen,” 1941, RH 15/282, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

75. With regard to the interconfessional schemes, particularly of the National Church wing of German Christians, see “Wille und Ziel der ‘Deutschen Christen’ (Nationalkirchliche Einung) e.V” (flyer), Berlin, March 1938, 5,11/293, LKA Bielefeld.Google Scholar

76. “Services should not be divided by confession but are to be held as supraconfessional camp services”; “Richtlinien,” 1942, N282/2, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

77. Edelmann, , “Wesen,” 1941, RH 15/282, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

78. See May, Georg, Interkonfessionalismus in der deutschen Militärseelsorge von 1933 bis 1945 (Amsterdam, 1978).Google Scholar

79. This slogan appears, for example, on a flyer of the National Church wing of the German Christians, “Wille und Ziel der ‘Deutschen Christen’ (Nationalkirchliche Einung) e.V.,” Berlin, March 1938, 5,11/293, LKA Bielefeld.Google Scholar

80. For example, see Edelmann's, comments on “Merkblatt über Feldseelsorge,” 21 Aug. 1939, RH 15/282, BA-MA Freiburg;Google Scholar 1942, “Richtlinien,” N282/2, BA-MA Freiburg; and address by Lieutenant-Colonel Groengroeft from Graz on “Pastoral Care in the Military As Seen from the Point of View of the Troops,” report of meeting of base chaplains (part-time) in Military District XVIII Salzburg, 1944, pp. 143–144, RH 15/280, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

81. Chaplain [Knolle] to Lonicer, France, 28 Aug. 1943, N282/2, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

82. Dohrmann's notes provide a figure of 455; N282/1, p. 163, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

83. “Bestimmungen für besondere Dienstverhältnisse der Kriegspfarrer beim Feldheer,” 18 June 1941, N282/3, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

84. OKH, 23 Dec. 1933, N282/3, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

85. See Messerschmidt, Manfred, “Aspekte der Militärseelsorgepolitik in nationalsozialistischer Zeit,” and “Zur Militärseelsorgepolitik im Zweiten Weltkrieg,” Militärgeschichtliche Mitteilungen 1/1968 and 1/1969; also, Schubring, “Die Arbeit der Feldseelsorge im Kriege” (postwar manuscript), N282/4, BA-MA Freiburg.Google Scholar

86. In August 1940 Dohrmann prepared a “Report on Pastoral Care to the Armed Forces in the War.” He gathered information from fourteen divisions. They reported attendance of worship services as good to very good, sixty to ninety percent in most cases; one divisional chaplain recorded participation of one hundred percent after battles; N282/7, BA-MA Freiburg.Google ScholarSee also Schubring, , “Die Arbeit der Feldseelsorge im Kriege,” N282/4, BA-MA Freiburg; Jörn Bleese's findings are similar;Google Scholarsee Die Militärseelsorge und die Trennung von Staat und Kirche (Ph.D. diss., Hamburg, Germany, 1969), p. 190.Google Scholar