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“Heretical Plagues” and Censorship Cordons: Colonial Mexico and the Transatlantic Book Trade1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Martin Austin Nesvig
Martin Austin Nesvig
Affiliation:
an assistant professor at the University of Miami.
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Extract

In the 1570s the Mexican Inquisition prosecuted high-profile heresy and piracy cases against John Hawkins and other English and French corsairs. These trials prompted a high alert for Lutheran and Calvinist books as well as vernacular Scripture reaching Mexico. Many of the accused were simply merchants while others were indeed pirates, but their foreign national and linguistic identities placed them in the crosshairs of a larger debate about the transatlantic diffusion and regulation of books and religious ideology. The issue of trade violations by Hawkins and others paled in comparison in the collective Catholic apprehension over the possibility that the newly conquered Mexico could become “infected” by the Lutheran and Calvinist “heretical plagues“—language used commonly by inquisitional and episcopal authorities to refer to the threat of these same sailors. Among the central concerns was the possibility that vernacular translations of the Bible or books by “heresiarchs” like Calvin, Melanchthon, or John Knox would reach Mexico, infiltrate Catholic homes and minds, and result in an ecclesiological disaster in which the unsuspecting faithful succumbed to the duplicitous charms of salvation by faith and the unapproved theological-linguistic renderings of the Gospels and Pauline letters.

Type
Articles
Information
Church History , Volume 75 , Issue 1 , March 2006 , pp. 1 - 37
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 2006

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References

2. AGN, Inq., vol. 52, exp. 5, f. 350.

3. Expressed most notably by Lucius III in 1184 in the bull Ad abolendam, later incorporated into the canon law in Decretales, lib. V, tit. VII, c. IX (that is, c. Ad abolendam).

4. For a pithy explanation of the distinction, see Francisco Peña, commentarium LI, tertia pars, in Nicolai, Eymeric, Directorium Inquisitorum (Venice: apud Marcum Antonium Zalterium, 1595), 535Google Scholar: “Ordinarii, vt summus Romanus Pontifex et Episcopi locorum, qui cum ordinantur, seu consecrantur, iure diuino in haereticos accipiunt potestatem, et iurisdictionem.… Alii sunt iudices delegati, quibus a sede Apostolica hoc munus iudicandi haereticos in specie datum est, quos iura, Inquisitores, vocant.“

5. See Stafford, Poole, Pedro Moya de Contreras: Catholic Reform and Royal Power in New Spain, 1571–1591 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987).Google Scholar

6. This was one of the more common reasons for ecclesiastical judges to prosecute people for the crime of “desacato.” For example, in December 1569, in Guanajuato, when a representative of the diocesan officials went to inform Pedro Muñoz Maestro de Roa that he would be excommunicated if he continued to refuse to pay his tithe, Muñoz responded: “mierda para la notificiación y para la de escomunión y para quien me lo notificare.” See AGN, Inq., vol. 11, exp. 4, f. 304.

7. Recent examples of this trend (though they differ considerably in their specific conclusions) toward viewing power as multifocal and contested include: Joseph, Gilbert M. and Daniel, Nugent, ed., Everyday Forms of State Formation: Revolution and the Negotiation of Rule in Modern Mexico (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1994)Google Scholar; Eric Van, Young, The Other Rebellion: Popular Violence, Ideology, and the Mexican Struggle for Independence, 1810–1821 (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Taylor, William B., Magistrates of the Sacred: Priests and Parishioners in Eighteenth-Century Mexico (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1996)Google Scholar; Ileana, Rodríguez, ed., Latin American Subaltern Studies Reader (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2001).Google Scholar

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10. Ibid., 312. On Nestor: “Vermes linguam eius corrserunt ipse tamen allisus humo periit.“ On Marcus Ephesinus: “cholico morbo laborans (ex ore enim eructabat stercora) diris cruciatibus afflictus interiit.“

11. Ibid., 313: “Calunius cum quatuor annos nouem morbis dirissimis excruciaretur atque tabesceret … nempe cholica, dolore articulorum, calculo, haemorrhoidibus, febri iasthmate, capitis dolore, pituita, sanguinis vomitatione, denique pediculi undique scanten tibus exersus, infelicissime ac foedissime obiit.“

12. Decretum, causa 24, qu. 3, c. XVI: “resecandae sunt putridae carnes: et scabiosa ouis a caulis repellenda, ne tota domus, massa corpus et pecora ardeat, corrunpatur, putrescat, intereant.“

13. Summa Theologiae, 2a.2ae, qu. 10, ar. 7.

14. Decretum, causa XXIV, qu. I, c. I.

15. It begins, “Vergentis in senium saeculi corruptelam,” meaning, loosely, “The corruption of a world advances unto its old-age.“

16. Decretales, lib. V, tit. VII, c. X, Vergentis: “nondum tamen usque adeo pestis potuit mortificari mortifera, quin, sicut cancer, amplius serperet in occulto, et iam in aperto suae virus iniquitatis effundat.“

17. Decretales, lib. V, tit. VII, c. X, Vergentis: “vulpes demolientes vineam Domini … lupos ab ovibus videamur … canes muti non valentes latrare.“

18. Leo X: “Exurge Domine et iudica causam tuam, memor esto improperiorum tuorum, eorum quae ab insipientibus siunt tota die: inclina aurem tuam ad preces nostras, quoniam surrexerunt vulpes quaerentes demoliri vineam, cuis tu torcular calcasti solus. … Exterminare nititur earn aperde sylva et singularis ferus depascitur earn.” The bull is cited by Páramo, , De origine et progressv, 114–23.Google Scholar

19. For editions of Eymeric, see van der Vekene, Emil, Biblioteca bibliographica historiae sanctae inquisitionis (Vaduz, Luxembourg: Topos, 1982), 31–43Google Scholar. For discussion of Peña, see Peter, Godman, The Saint as Censor: Robert Bellarmine between Inquisition and Index (Leiden: Brill, 2000).Google Scholar

20. Eymeric, Directorium.

21. Peña, commentarium LII, secunda pars, in Eymeric, Directorium, 314: “qui vivae haereticorum voces vix unam civitatem replere possunt, libri autem cum facile hinc & inde transuebantur, non modo vnam civitatem, sed & regna & prouincias inficiunt.“

22. Kelley, Donald R., The Writing of History and the Study of Law (Aldershot, U.K.: Variorum, 1997).Google Scholar

23. Eubel, Conradus and van Gulik, Guillelmus, ed., Hierarchia Catholica Medii et Recentioris Aevi (Monasterii: sumptibus et typis librariae Regensbergianae, 1923–1935), 3:174.Google Scholar

24. Also known as the Constitutions of Boniface VIII.

25. de Covarrubias y Leyva, Diego, In Bonifacii Odavi Constitvtionvm, quae incipit, alma mater, svb titvl. de sentient. Excommunicat. Lib. 6 Comentarii, in Opera (Antwerp: apud viduam and haeredes Petri Belleri, 1614), 1:322Google Scholar: “vnum enim pecus morbidum omne pecus inficit, atque ideo pecus morbo infectum resecandum est, et sequestrandum, ne reliquas contractu suo inficiat oues. Nee ex ea causa pastor iudicatur crudelis, sed pius: imo crudelis esset et ingnauus, si pecus morbo infectum a grege minime segregaret.“

26. For biographical data on Castro, see Crespo, V. Pinto, “Thought Control in Spain,” in Inquisition and Society in Early Modern Europe, ed. Stephen, Haliczer (London: Croom Helm, 1986)Google Scholar; and Francisco, Tomás y Valiente, “El crimen y pecado contra natura,” in Sexo barroco y otras transgresiones premodernas, ed. Francisco, Tomás y Valiente (Madrid: Alianza, 1990)Google Scholar. Both offer skeletal discussions of Castro. The only full-length biography, which is both a detailed intellectual history and apologetic paean to Tridentine Catholicism, is Teodoro, Olarte, Alfonso de Castro (1495–1558): Su vida, su tiempo y sus ideas filosóficas-jurídicas (San José: Universidad Nacional de Costa Rica, 1946)Google Scholar. For information on Castro's output, see Van, der Vekene, Biblioteca bibliographica, 16–24.Google Scholar

27. de Castro, Alfonso, De justa haereticorum punitione (Madrid: ex typpographia Blasii Roman, 1773 [1547]), 10.Google Scholar

28. Ibid., 141: “Necessarium est igitur, ut omnes haereticorum libri comburantur, ne pestilens aliqua maneat radix, quae novos quotidie valeat ex se gignere haereticos.“

29. See Monter, E. William, Frontiers of Heresy: The Spanish Inquisition from the Basque Lands to Sicily, Cambridge Studies in Early Modern History (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rafael, Carrasco, Inquisitión y represión sexual en Valencia: Historia de los sodomitas, 1565–1785 (Barcelona: Laertes, 1985)Google Scholar; Federico Garza, Carvajal, Vir: Perceptions of Manliness in Andalucía and México, 1561–1699 (Amsterdam: Stichting Amsterdamse Historische Reeks, 2000)Google Scholar; Tomás y Valiente, “El crimen y pecado contra natura.“

30. For overviews, see Fermín, de los Reyes Gómez, El libro en España y América: Legislatión y censura, sighs XV–XVIII, 2 vols. (Madrid: Editorial Arco/Libros, 2000)Google Scholar; Virgilio Pinto, Crespo, Inquisitión y control ideológico en la España del sigh XVI (Madrid: Taurus, 1983).Google Scholar

31. For discussions, see Leonard, Irving A., Books of the Brave: Being an Account of Books and of Men in the Spanish Conquest and Settlement of the Sixteenth-Century World (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1949).Google Scholar

32. The best study of the trial is José Ignacio Tellechea, Idigoras, El proceso romano del Arzobispo Carranza: Las audiencias en Sant'Angelo, 1568–1569 (Rome: Iglesia Nacional Española, 1994)Google Scholar. An excellent first-hand account is the viciously ad hominem attack on Carranza by the influential jurist, Diego de Simancas, in his autobiography published in a transcription in 1905: “La vida y cosas notables del señor Obispo de Zamora don Diego de Simancas,” in Autobiografías y memorias, ed. Serrano y Sanz, M. (Madrid: Baillie/Bailliére, 1905)Google Scholar. His equally scabrous and influential treatise on ecclesiology and heresy is De catholicis institutionibus (Valladolid: ex officina Aegidij de Colomies typographi, 1552).Google Scholar

33. See Arthu, Ennis, Fray Alsono de la Vera Cruz, O.S.A. (1507–1584): A Study of His Life and His Contributions to the Religious and Intellectual Affairs of Early Mexico (Louvain: E. Warny, 1957)Google Scholar. The actual trial appears to be lost, though the denunciations made by Monúfar and Ledesma are found in Archivo Histórico Nacional (España), Madrid, Spain, Inq., leg. 4437, exp. 5.

34. Overviews of this authority are discussed in Eymeric, Directorium, and Castro, De just. haer. pun., among other places. For a broader overview in a lengthy global context, see Bujanda, J. M., Index des livres interdits, 11 vols. (Sherbrooke, Quebec: Centre D'etudesé de la Renaissance, 1984–1989).Google Scholar

35. Alfonso, de Castro, Aduersus omnes haereses (Cologne: M. Nouesiani, 1549), 17: “Quamobrem recte dici solet, articulos Parisiensis non transire montes.“Google Scholar

36. Despite the claims of certain scholars, the evidence for Mexico and Spain suggests that fear of Hell and Satan was profound and culturally deep seated. A notable study arguing that early modern Europe was only minimally Christianized in the sixteenth century is Jean, Delumeau, Catholicism between Luther and Voltaire: A New View of the Counter-Reformation, intro. John Bossy (London: Burns and Oates, 1977)Google Scholar. For “classic“ studies of attitudes toward death in early modern Europe, see Michel, Vovelle, Piété baroque et déchristianisation en Provence au XVIIIe siècle; les attitudes devant la mort d'après les clauses des testaments (Paris: Plon, 1973)Google Scholar; and Philipe, Ariès, L'Homme devant la mort (Paris: Éditions de Seuil, 1977)Google Scholar. For views that suggest a deep concern about Hell, see Eire, Carlos M. N., From Madrid to Purgatory: The Art and Craft of Dying in Sixteenth-Century Spain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995)Google Scholar; Jaime, Morera, Pinturas coloniales de ánimas del purgatorio: Iconografía de una creencia (Mexico: UNAM Posgrado, 2001).Google Scholar

37. On excommunication and its effects as viewed by early modern jurists and theologians, see Covarrubias, In Bonifacii Octavi Constitvtionvm; and Francisco, Suárez, Disputationes de censuris in communi, excommunicatione, suspensione et intercito, itemque de irregularitate, ed. Carlos, Bertón, vol. 23 of 28 in Opera omnia (Paris: apud Ludovicum Vivès, 1856–1878).Google Scholar

38. The procedural law of the Inquisition can be found in the majority of treatises on inquisitional law and practice. The best known is Eymeric's Directorium Inquisitorum. For a bibliography of other such works, see Van der Vekene, Biblioteca bibliographka. The best modern treatment of the subject of inquisitional procedure is Andrea, Errera, Processus in causa fidei: L'evoluzione dei manuali inquisitoriali net secoli XVI–XVII e il manuale inedito di un inqisitore perugino (Bologna: Monduzzi, 2000).Google Scholar

39. I am grateful to Matt O'Hara for this information that falls outside the time period of my research.

40. Chronological histories of the Index are best discussed in Bujanda, Index des livres interdits, and de los Reyes Gómez, El libro en España y América. For detailed analysis of recall efforts in the wake of new Indexes in Mexico, see Martin Austin, Nesvig, “Pearls Before Swine: Theory and Practice of Censorship in New Spain, 1527–1640” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 2004), chapter 8.Google Scholar

41. AGN, Inq., vol. 43, exp. 4.

42. The proposition that had caused “scandal” among numerous people (at least according to Montúfar) was that, “speaking of the unions that occurred in the holy resurrection of our redeemer Christ,” Zum´rraga had concluded that “the blood of the tree [cross] was reintegrated by divine potential, or at least that amount necessary for the body and was thus reunited with divinity.” See AGN, Inq., vol. 43, exp. 4, f. 119; the calificación (or theological review) of the opinion reads in part: “hablando de las huniones que se hizieron en la santa resureçión de nuestra redentor Christo (que la sangre de Ramada fue recogida por la potençia diuinal a lo menos la que hera nescesaria para el cuerpo y fue unida a la diunidad).“

43. Good discussions of these issues can be found in Marcel, Bataillon, Erasmo y España: estudios sobre la historia spiritual del siglo XVI (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Económca, 1966).Google Scholar

44. For the role of Quiroga in defending the power of a diocesan Church against a mendicant one, see Ricardo León, Alanís, Los orígenes del clew y la iglesia en Michoacán, 1525–1640 (Morelia, Mexico: Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo, 1997).Google Scholar

45. AGN, Inq., vol. 43, exp. 20, f. 297.

46. Libros y libreros en el siglo XVI, selección de documentos y paleografia de Francisco Fernández del Castillo (Mexico: Archivo General de la Nación, 1914), 37.Google Scholar

47. For discussions of the conflict between De la Veracruz and Montúfar, see Ennis, Fray Alsono de la Vera Cruz.

48. The lengthy memoria is found in AGN, Jesuitas, III–26, exp. 22. Evidence in this section is gleaned from this document unless otherwise noted. I have footnoted specific pages but otherwise I rely on this document generally for this discussion. The original order to undertake this task has apparently been lost, but the result, called a memoria, remains today in the Jesuit section of the Mexican National Archive, instead of in the Inquisition section, leading it to be overlooked by most historians, even of the Inquisition. It lacks its first two pages and begins paginated number 3, which leaves to speculation the content of the first two pages, though the formula of book inventories of this sort suggests that there would have been a brief statement of the nature of the inventory followed simply by lists. The remaining document represents lists of books identified with the owners or the monasteries in which they were found.

49. Vasco, de Puga, Prousiones cedulas Instruciones de su Magestad: ordenanças de difuntos y audiencia, para la Buena expedition de los negocios y administratión de justicia: y gouernacion desta nueua España: y para el buen tratamiento y obseruacion de los yndios (Mexico: P. Ocharte, 1563).Google Scholar

50. AGN, Jesuitas, III–26, exp. 22, f. 3r.

51. AGN, Inq., vol. 60, exp. 4.

52. AGN, Jesuitas, III–26, exp. 22, f. 5r.

53. AGN, Jesuitas, III–26, exp. 22, f. 8r. For location of these convents, see Peter, Gerhard, Historical Geography of New Spain, 1519–1821 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972).Google Scholar

54. AGN, Inq., vol. 82, exp. 15A.

55. AGN, Inq., vol. 77, exp. 43, f. 274.

56. AGN, Inq., vol. 141, exp. 86, fs. s/n.

57. AGN, Jesuitas, III–26, exp. 22, f. 7v.

58. AGN, Inq., vol. 84, exp. 31, f. 161: “las Epístolas y euangelios en Romançe y las oras en romançe las quemara en lugar secreto que nadie lo vea por el escándalo que se podría reçiuir de ver quemar libros de que por tan tiempo usa la yglesia.“

59. AGN, Jesuitas, III–26, exp. 22, f. 6r. On Portillo's various positions of authority, see Nesvig, “Pearls Before Swine,” appendices 1f, 1g, and 2b.

60. See his magisterial study of literary taste in New Spain and Peru, Books of the Brave, cited fully above in note 31.

61. There was one trial, for bigamy, adjudicated in Veracruz in 1541 by licenciado Antonio de Sopuerta as the Visitador of the diocese. See AGN, Inq., vol. 23, exp. 5. This, however, appears to be something of an anomaly, as the next complete trial in the diocese of Puebla appears in 1552: AGN, Inq., vol. 96, exp. 5.

62. See Nesvig, “Pearls Before Swine,” chapter 4 and appendix 1g.

63. Alfonso de Castro, for one, viewed the failure to regulate church officials as high as bishops as one of the principal failings of orthodox Catholicism and one of the chief causes of heresy, since it was bishops who were entrusted with the doctrinal regulation of their dioceses. See Castro, De just. pun. haer., and Adversus omnes haereses.

64. For the personal hell that would have been the missionary efforts in the tierra caliente in the sixteenth century, see León Alanís, Los orígenes del clew y la iglesia en Michoacán. For the austerity of Betanzos, see Alberto María, CarreñoFr. Domingo de Betanzos: Fundador en la Nueva España de la venerable orden dominicana (Mexico: Victoria, 1924).Google Scholar

65. AGN, Inq., vol. 160, exp. 8.

66. For the not so sub rosa control of the 1583 Index issued by Quiroga by Salamanca Dominicans, see Pinto Crespo, Inquisición y control ideológico.

67. See, for example, Pinto Crespo, Inquisición y control ideológico; María Jesús, Torquemada, “Censura de libros y barreras aduaneras,” in Perfiles jurídicos de la inquisición española, ed. José Antonio, Escudero (Madrid: Institurio de Historia de la Inquisitión, 1989)Google Scholar; Dorothy, Schons, Book Censorship in New Spain (Austin, Texas: n.p., 1949)Google Scholar; Gigliola, Fragnito, La Bibbia al rogo: La censura ecclesiastica e i volgarizzamenti delta Scrittura (1471–1605) (Bologna: Il Mulino, 1997)Google Scholar; and Fragnito, , “The Central and Peripheral Organization of Censorship,” in Church, Censorship and Culture in Early Modern Italy, ed. Gigliola, Fragnito, trans. Adrian, Belton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Agostino, Borromeo, “Inquisizione spagnola e libri proibiti in Sicilia ed in Sardegna durante il XVI secolo,” Annuario dell'istituto storico italiano per l'etá moderna e contemporanea 35–36 (1983–1984).Google Scholar

68. AGN, Inq., vol. 74, exp. 24: “si alguno o algunos se hallare prohibidos se me auisen porque los embiaré a V.M. luego.“

69. AGN, Inq., vol. 74, exp. 24: “me auise V.M. si se puede leer porque tengo para mi ay muchos.“

70. AGN, Inq., vol. 74, exp. 35.

71. AGN, Inq., vol. 141, exp. 79. The Index is: Index et cathologus librorum prohibitorum, mandato … Gasparis a Qurioga … An regnis Hispaniarum Generalis Inquisitoris denuó editus (Madrid: n.p., 1583).

72. AGN, Inq., vol. 34, exp. 8.

73. AGN, Inq., vol. 83, exp. 1.

74. AGN, Inq., vol. 274, exp. 4.

75. See Nesvig, “Pearls Before Swine,” appendix 1g.

76. AGN, Inq., vol. 141, exp. 88; vol. 142, exp. 7.

77. Index and cathologus librorum prohibitorum (1583).

78. AGN, Inq., vol. 142, exp. 7, f. s/n.

79. AGN, Inq., vol. 304, exp. s/n, fs. 132–34; vol. 354, exp. s/n, fs. 182–83; vol. 510, exp. 73.

80. AGN, Inq., vol. 510, exps. 81–82.

81. When the central tribunal of the Inquisition of Mexico was legally established in 1569, it was decreed that Indians were henceforth exempt from its jurisdiction.

82. AGN, Inq., vol. 139, exp. 62.

83. AGN, Inq., vol. 140, exp. 15.

84. AGN, Inq., vol. 142, exp. 27: “en algunas partes de ese obispado no se terna notiçia del cathálogo General y porque en algunas poblaçiones de españoles sería possible auer algunos libros prohibidos por él se le embía con ésta la memoria de los que verissímilmente puede auer.“

85. AGN, Inq., vol. 142, exp. 40.

86. AGN, Inq., vol. 141, exp. 106: “an venido también en esta flota tan pocos o ningunos cathálogos que no tenemos otro que embiar a Vuestra Reverencia y así se deue contentar con hazer lo que pudiere con el que allá tiene.“

87. AGN, Inq., vol. 169, exp. 3.

88. AGN, Inq., vol. 169, exp. 3.

89. AGN, Inq., vol. 140, exp. 15.

90. AGN, Inq., vol. 276, exp. 13, fs. 291–332; vol. 291, exp. 6a.

91. See, for example, Solange, Alberro, Del gachupín al criollo: O cómo los españoles de México dejaron de serlo (Mexico: Colegio de México, Centra de Estudios Históricos, 1992).Google Scholar

92. AGN, Inq., vol. 176, exp. 5: “çierto hombre hespañol, estando acostado en la cama con una muger, dixo a otro hespañol que también lo estaua con otra en un apossento, que le ayudasse que quería cantar missa y que le respondiesse como frayle, y haziendo burla, començó a cantar el prephaçio de nuestra seóora, y arregoldar con la voca diziendo que ansí repsondían los frayles y aventossear por abaxo diziendo que áquel era el órgano, a lo qual diziéndole el otro hespañol que mirasse lo que hazía que era gran pecado lo que estaua haziendo que hablasse de las texas abaxo. Respondió, como haziendo burla que por aquello que hazía, no le castigaría Dios porque no era pecado ni aun venial y tomando su miembro viril, dezía, que era las telas del órgano, y reñiénidole por ello la dicha muger con quien estaua acostado, dixo que no eran heregías ni blasfemias.“

93. AGN, Inq., vol. 9, exp. 5.