Hostname: page-component-cd9895bd7-dk4vv Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-12-27T10:08:28.925Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

John Cassian and Sulpicius Severus

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

James Harper
Affiliation:
Assistant Professor of History, Roosevelt University

Extract

It was Marc Bloch, I believe, who once posed the question whether there may not have been schools of asceticism, whether different groups of men at different times might have viewed the holy life in different ways and even have formed rival schools. The popular idea of what makes a saint has varied from time to time. The earliest Christians, suffering under the persecutions of the Roman Empire, reserved their admiration and their cult for those who suffered martyrdom. Albert Marignan has traced the transformation of this ideal after the end of the persecutions. When Christians no longer suffered death for their beliefs, they hoped to gain a similar crown by a living death, by the sacrifice of all earthly joys and the mortification of the flesh. The monastic ascetic ideal was born. But the monk, at least in the West, did not retain a lasting and exclusive hold on the affections of the Christian populace. He was ousted from his place by the hero bishop, the protector of the city, who combined ascetic practices with social leadership. Yet was the change a simple evolution in time, or were there really rival schools of sainthood through which the transformation took place?

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1965

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. Le culte des saints sons les Mérovingiens, Vol. II of Études sur la civilisation française (Paris: Émile Bouillon, 1899), pp. 9 ff.Google Scholar

2. This exposition of Cassian's teaching follows chiefly Chadwick, Owen, John Cassian, A Study in Primitive Monasticism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950)Google Scholar and Christiani, Canon Léon, Jean Cassien, La spiritualité du désert, 2 vols.Google Scholar (“Figures monastiques”; Abbaye S. Wandrille: Editions de Fontenelle, 1946). See also Weber, Hans Oskar, Die Stellung des Johannes Cassianus zur ausserpachomianischen Mönchstradition, Eine Quellenuntersuchung, Vol. XXIVGoogle Scholar of “Beiträge zur Geschichte des alten Mönchtums and des Benediktinerordens” (Münster Westfalen: Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1961)Google Scholar.

3. Conf. xv. 1.Google Scholar

4. Matt. 24: 24.Google Scholar

5. Chadwick, , Cassian, pp. 199200.Google Scholar

6. Critical edition by Cavallin, S., Skrifter utgivna av Vetenskaps-Societen i Lund, Vol. XL (1952).Google Scholar

7. Cavallin, S., “St. Genès le notaire,” Eranos (Uppsala) XLIII (1945), 150175.Google Scholar

8. AASS, 21 07 V, 143–8.Google Scholar

9. AASS, 14 05 III, 274–8.Google Scholar

10. Ed. Wotke, , CSEL, XXXI (1894), 165–73.Google Scholar

11. Cavallin, , Skrifter utgivna av Vetenskaps-Societen i Lund, Vol. XL.Google Scholar

12. Vita Honorati 37.

13. Sermo de vita Genesii 6.

14. Passio s. Victoris 17.

15. Acta s. Pontii 2.

16. Ed. Engelbrecht, A, CSEL, XXXI, 236–7.Google Scholar

17. Vita Honorati 9.

18. Hilary's eulogy of Honoratus bears a striking resemblence to the ancient Roman funeral orations described by Polybius, vi. 52–4.

19. Passio Agaunensium martyrum 4.

20. Paulinus Ep. v; Jerome, Comm. in Ezechielem xi. 36Google Scholar; Gennadius, de vir. inlustr. 19.Google Scholar

21. E. C. Babut presented his thesis about the unreliability of the Vita Martini and the unpopularity of that saint with his episcopal colleagues shortly before the First World War in Saint Martin de Tours (Paris: H. Champion, n.d.). The praise of the director of the Archives Nationales, Charles Victor Langlois, brought Charles Péguy into the controversy with “Argent” and “Argent suite,” a phase of his attack on the Sorbonne. Both Babut and Péguy were killed in the War, so that the attack on Babut's thesis by Delehaye, Père Hippolyte, Anal. Bolland., XXXVIII (1920), 5136,CrossRefGoogle Scholar was answered for Babut by Bloch, Marc, “Saint Martin de Tours: à propos d'une Polémique,” Revue d'histoire et de litterature religieuse, n. s., VII (1921), 4457Google Scholar (Reprinted, in Mélanges historiques, II, 939–47Google Scholar [Paris: S. E. V. P. E. N., 1963]). The controversy appears to have died down after Camille Jullian's series of articles, REA, XXIV (1922), 3747, 123–8, 229–35Google Scholar; XXV (1923), 49–55, 139–43, 234–50.

22. Vita Martini 7; transl. Roberts.

23. Decline and Fall, ch. xxviii.

24. In all this there is a Pelagian streak, for Martin's virtues are his own work and sufficient to gain salvation. Gennadius, , de vir. inlustr. 19,Google Scholar reports that late in his life Sulpieius did penance for having held Pelagian opinions.

25. Vita Martini 7.

26. Dial. iii. 15. 7.Google Scholar

27. Matt. 18: 20.Google Scholar

28. Paulinus, Epp. xviii, xxxvii.Google Scholar Cf. Bloch, op. cit., pp. 50–1, 53–4 and Vacandard, E., Saint Victrice, Évêque de Rouen (IVe-Ve s.) (2d ed.; “Les Saints”; Paris: Victor Lecoffre, 1903), p. 116.Google Scholar

29. PL, XX, 443–59.Google Scholar

30. Cloché, Paul, “Les élections épiscopales sous les Mérovingiens,” Le moyen âge, XXXV (19241925), 205–9, 212–4.Google Scholar

31. At least the opening lines of the first dialogue suggest as much.

32. Mâle, Emile, Le fin du paganisme en Gaule et les plus anciennes basiliques chrétiennes (Paris: Ernest Flammarion, 1950), pp. 299, 390,Google Scholar records the construction between 380 and 391 of a cathedral at Angers to the memory of St. Maurice and the Theban Legion and others to the martyr Victor.

33. Dial. ii. 14.Google Scholar The passage appears only in a few Irish mss. whose prototypes escaped the care of Perpetuus.

34. Dial. iii. 15–6.Google Scholar

35. See the symposium, , St. Germain d'Auxerre et son temps (Auxerre: Centre national de la recherche scientifique, 1950).Google Scholar

36. Ed. by Levison, W., SS rer Mer., VII, pt. 1, 225–83.Google Scholar

37. SS rer Mer, III, 433501.Google Scholar

38. Riché, Pierre, “La survivanee des écoles publiques en Gaul au Ve siècle,” Le moyen âge, LXIII (1957), 421–36.Google Scholar

39. The dating of the early vitae is iotoriously subject to dispute. But aside from Gregory of Tours, who is considerably superior to most, see Dynamius, the Patrician, , Vita s. Maximi (PL, LXXX, 3340)Google Scholar, which appears to date from ca. 570–80; and the anonymous Vita b. Hilari ep. Gavalitani (AASS, 28 10., XI, 619–42)Google Scholar from the middle of the century; the Vita Naamatii (Anal. bolland., XIV [1895], 198201)Google Scholar, and the Vita Nicetii ep. Lugdunensis (ed. B. Krusch; SS rer Mer, III, 518–24)Google Scholar, both apparently from the end; and the Vita s. Marcellini primi ep. Ebredunensis (AASS, 20 04., II, 748–53)Google Scholar, which claims to date from the fifth century.