Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-8bhkd Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-10T06:03:08.117Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

John Hutchinson's Critique of Newtonian Heterodoxy

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

John C. English
Affiliation:
emeritus professor of history at Baker University.

Extract

“Nature and Nature's laws lay hid in night: God said, Let Newton be!—and all was light,” according to Alexander Pope. Other British subjects were not so sure. In recent years, historians have begun to take more seriously the persons who opposed Newton on either philosophical, scientific or theological grounds. Rival systems of natural philosophy were already in the field, including the scholastic, the alchemical, and especially the Cartesian. Newton had learned a great deal from Descartes, but he also set out to correct the errors in his system. Many Cartesians, at least in the period shortly after 1687, were not convinced by Newton's arguments. His methodology was suspect as well. The mathematics that Newton had invented was hard to follow and the role that it played in his system was unfamiliar. Political antipathies sometimes led to the rejection of Newtonianism. But the crux of the problem was theological. Newton's natural philosophy, as stated in his Principia Mathematica, seemed to undermine the traditional doctrines of the Christian religion.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1999

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1. For example, Cantor, Geoffrey, “Anti-Newton,” in Fauvel, John et al. , Let Newton Bel (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 203221;Google ScholarSchofield, Robert E., Mechanism and Materialism: British Natural Philosophy in An Age of Reason (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1970), 122–28;Google ScholarThackray, Arnold, Atoms and Powers: An Essay on Newtonian Matter—Theory and the Development of Chemistry (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1970), 244–52. Subsequent footnotes will provide additional examples.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2. Newton was a Whig; John Hutchinson, the subject of this paper, was a Tory. According to Wilde, C. B., “Hutchinsonianism, Natural Philosophy and Religious Controversy in Eighteenth Century Britain,” History of Science 18 (1980): 2, 6–11, Tory High Churchmen were especially attracted to Hutchinsonianism;CrossRefGoogle Scholarcf. Olson, Richard, “Tory High-Church Opposition to Science and Scientism in the Eighteenth Century: The Works of John Arbuthnot, Jonathan Swift, and Samuel Johnson,” in The Uses of Science in the Age of Newton, ed. Burke, John G. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 171204.Google ScholarNote, however, Guerrini, Anita, “The Tory Newtonians: Gregory, Pitcairne, and Their Circle,” Journal of British Studies 25 (1986): 288311.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. See Hutton, Sarah, “Edward Stillingfleet, Henry More, and the Decline of Moses Atticus: A Note on Seventeenth-Century Anglican Apologists,” in Philosophy, Science, and Religion in England, 1640–1700, ed. Kroll, Richard, Ashcraft, Richard, and Zagorin, Peter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 6884.Google Scholar

4. Gale, Theophilus, The Court of the Gentiles: or, A discourse touching the original of human literature, both philologie and philosophic, from the Scriptures, and the Jewish Church, 4 vols. (Oxford: printed by H. Hall, 16691977);Google ScholarMore, Henry, Conjectura Cabbalistica. Or, A Conjectural Essay of Interpreting the mind of Moses, in the Three first chapters of Genesis, according to a Threefold Cabbala (London: printed by James Flesher, 1662).Google Scholar

5. Levine, Joseph M, Dr. Woodward's Shield: History, Science, and Satire in Augustan England (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 4243;Google ScholarHutchinson, John, Philosophical and Theological Works, ed. Spearman, Robert and Bate, Julius, 12 vols. (London: Printed for J. Hodges, 17481949), 5: 243. The abbreviation HW will be used for Hutchinson's Works in subsequent footnotes.Google Scholar

6. On the distinction between “natural philosophy” and “science,” see Cunningham, Andrew, “Getting the Game Right: Some Plain Words on the Identity and Invention of Science,” Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 19 (1988): 365–89, especially 378–82.CrossRefGoogle ScholarFor a statement of Newton's natural philosophy, see his general scholium added to the second edition of the Principia (1713), Sir Isaac Newton's Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy and His System of the World, trans. Florian Cajori (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1934), 543–46.Google Scholar

7. Newton, Isaac to Bentley, Richard, 10 Dec. 1692, in Cohen, I. Bernard, ed., Isaac Newton's Papers and Letters on Natural Philosophy and Related Documents, 2d ed. (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), 280.Google Scholar

8. HW 5: 253–89, 293–94. For additional criticisms of Newton, see HW 5: 163,181,190–93;Google Scholarsee also An Abstract from the Works of John Hutchinson, Esquire. Being a Summary of his Discourses in Philosophy and Divinity (Edinburgh: printed by R. Fleming, 1753), 2.Google Scholar

9. HW 1: 241–42; 1:1 (separate pagination toward the close of the volume).Google Scholar

10. Wiles, Maurice, “The Secret Arianism of Isaac Newton,” in Archetypal Heresy: Arianism through the Centuries (Oxford: Clarendon, 1996), 7793, esp. 84.Google ScholarOn the other hand, Pfizenmaier, Thomas C., Journal of the History of Ideas 58 (1997): 5780, answers the question “Was Isaac Newton an Arian?” in the negative and argues that Newton was a Eusebian or Homoiousian (75).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

11. HW 5: 256–57; note Hutchinson's criticism of Socinus (HW 5: 109).Google Scholar

12. HW 3: 109–111; 6: 359.Google Scholar

13. HW 2: xxviii-xxix, 24; 6: 31–34.Google Scholar

14. Letters to Serena (London: printed for John Lintot, 1704), 183, 234.Google Scholar

15. Jacob, Margaret C., The Newtonians and the English Revolution, 1689–1720 (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1976), 238–45.Google Scholar

16. Wilde, C. B., “Matter and Spirit As Natural Symbols in Eighteenth-Century British Natural PhilosophyBritish Journal for the History of Science 15 (1982): 101104.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17. Newton, Isaac, Opticks Or a Treatise of the Reflections, Refractions, Inflections and Colours of light (New York: Dover, 1979), 370.Google Scholar

18. Schofield, , Mechanism and Materialism, 15, 16.Google Scholar

19. Copleston, Frederick, History of Philosophy, vol. 4, Descartes to Leibniz (Westminster, Md.: Newman, 1958), 129.Google Scholar

20. Newton, , Mathematical Principles, 546.Google Scholar

21. Heimann, P. M., “‘Nature Is a Perpetual Worker’: Newton's Aether and Eighteenth-Century Natural Philosophy,” Ambix 20 (1973): 58, summarizes the relationships between aethers, active principles, and spirits.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

22. HW 1:263; see also 262.Google Scholar

23. For the context of this belief, see Wilde, “Matter and Spirit,” 101–102.Google Scholar

24. Other terms for this fluid are “spirit” (HW 1: 15; separate pagination toward the close of the volume), “air” (HW 2: 156), and the “Names” (HW 5: 93).Google Scholar

25. HW 2: 23, 37.Google Scholar

26. On the significance of “pressure” in Hutchinson's system, see HW 2: 311–15.Google Scholar

27. HW 2: 93, 311–14.Google Scholar

28. HW 11: 30.Google Scholar

29. Hutchinson described the characteristics of light in HW 2: 206–216.Google Scholar

30. On the manifold implications of “light,” see HW 6: 38–41.Google Scholar

31. The terms “exemplar” and “analogy of resemblance” are taken from X. William Carroll, “Hutchinsonisme: Une Vue de la nature comme théophanie au cours du dix-huitième siècle” (doctoral diss., Universite de Strasbourg, 1968), 232,239.Google Scholar

32. On Hutchinson's conception of analogy, see HW 2: xxii-xxix.Google Scholar

33. HW 1: 30 (separate pagination toward the close of the volume); 2: 264.Google Scholar

34. HW 1: 30, 62; 2: 264–65.Google Scholar

35. Cantor, G. N., “Revelation and the Cyclical Cosmos of John Hutchinson,” in Images of the Earth: Essays in the History of the Environmental Sciences, ed. Jordanova, L. J. and Porter, Roy (Chalfont St. Giles: British Society for the History of Science, 1979), 15, citing HW 2: 79 and 4: 258.Google Scholar

36. HW 2: 102.Google Scholar

37. Droge, Arthur J., Homer or Moses? Early Christian Interpretations of the History of Culture (Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck] Verlag, 1989), 3.Google Scholar

38. Quoted by Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis, 1. 150. 4.Google Scholar

39. HW 1: 253–54, 40 (separate pagination toward the close of the volume); 4: 103; 6: 156.Google Scholar

40. Casini, Paolo, “Newton: The Classical Scholia,” History of Science 28 (1984): 2.Google Scholar

41. The answer to the question, to whom did Newton assign priority, the Egyptians or the Hebrews, is a matter of dispute among scholars. On the priority of the Egyptians, see Gascoigne, John, “‘The Wisdom of the Egyptians’ and the Secularisation of History in the Age of Newton,” in The Uses of Antiquity: The Scientific Revolution and the Classical Tradition, ed. Gaukroger, Stephen (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic, 1991), 171212, esp. 190–93;CrossRefGoogle ScholarWestfall, Richard S., “Isaac Newton's Theologiae Gentilis Origines Philosophiae,” in The Secular Mind: Transformations of Faith in Modern Europe, ed. Wagar, W. Warren (New York: Holmes and Meier, 1982), 1921.Google ScholarThe following scholars argue, with qualifications, for the priority of the Hebrews: Trompf, Garry W., “On Newtonian History,” in Gaukroger, Uses of Antiquity, 213–49, esp. 220–23;Google ScholarManuel, Frank E., Isaac Newton Historian (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1963), 89, 99102;Google ScholarMandelbrote, Scott, “‘A Duty of the Greatest Moment’: Isaac Newton and the Writing of Biblical Criticism,” British journal of the History of Science 26 (1993): 290.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

42. “Irenicum,” in Isaac Newton, Theological Manuscripts, ed. McLachlan, H. (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1950), 28.Google Scholar

43. Manuel, Frank E., The Religion of Isaac Newton (Oxford: Clarendon, 1974), 117–18.Google Scholar

44. Newton, Isaac, The Chronology of Ancient Kingdoms Amended (London: printed for J. Tonson, 1728), 12, 212; cf. 15,79.Google Scholar

45. Casini, “Classical Scholia,” 1; Newton, Chronology, 22.Google Scholar

46. Newton, , Theological Manuscripts, 33. For Newton's conception of prophecy, see Manuel, Religion, 86–88.Google Scholar

47. Newton, , “The Original of Monarchies,” in Manuel, Historian, 218.Google Scholar

48. Newton, Isaac, Observations upon the Prophecies of Daniel and the Apocalypse of St. John (London: printed by J. Darby and T. Browne, 1733), 56.Google ScholarSee Popkin, Richard H., “Newton As a Bible Scholar,” in Essays on the Context, Nature, and Influence of Isaac Newton's Theology, ed. Force, James F. and Popkin, Richard H. (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic, 1990), 104.Google Scholar

49. Popkin, “Bible Scholar,” 117 n. 66. “Newton questioned the plenary inspiration of the received canon of books and regarded the historical books of the Old Testament as the compilation of men”Google Scholar(Westfall, Richard S., Never at Rest: A Biography of Isaac Newton [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980], 827).Google Scholar

50. Correspondence of Isaac Newton, vol. 1, 16761687, ed. Turnbull, H. W. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960), 333.Google ScholarOn accommodationist techniques of exegesis, see Dobbs, Betty J. T., The Janus Faces of Genius: The Role of Alchemy in Newton's Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), 5963.Google Scholar

51. Jones may have owed his election to his friend, Samuel Horsley, one of the secretaries of the Society, who prepared an edition of Newton's works (5 vols., 17791985) and became a bishop of the Church of England (1788).Google Scholar

52. Jones, Williams, ed., Memoirs of the Life, Studies, and Writings of the Right Reverend George Home, D.D. (London: printed for G. G. and J. Robinson, 1795), 22.Google ScholarForbes's book was probably A Letter to a Bishop, concerning Some Important Discoveries in Philosophy and Theology (London: printed by H. Woodfall, 1732); further printings in 1735, 1736, and 1747.Google Scholar

53. Jones, Memoirs, 22. A. S. Catcott was headmaster of Bristol Grammar School;Google Scholarsee Neve, Michael and Porter, Roy, “Alexander Catcott: Glory and Geology,” British Journal for the History of Science 10 (1977): 4142.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

54. Jones, , Memoirs, 27, 40; on Holloway, see Carroll, “Hutchinsonisme,” 11, 29”30.Google Scholar

55. Horace Walpole to Richard Bentley, Sept. 1753, in The Yale Edition of Horace Walpok's Correspondence, ed. Lewis, W. S. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973), 35: 156.Google Scholar

56. London: printed for E. Withers and S. Parker, 1753. According to J. H. Overton, Home helped Jones to write his Full Answer; see Dictionary of National Biography, 1921–22 ed., s.v. “Jones, William, of Nayland.”Google Scholar

57. Jones, , Memoirs, 37.Google Scholar

58. These queries were repeated in the second English edition (1717).Google Scholar

59. Newton, , “Hypothesis Explaining the Properties of Light,” presented to the Royal Society in 1675, in Cohen, , ed., Newton's Papers, 178–90;Google ScholarIsaac Newton to Robert Boyle, 28 Feb. 1679, in Newton's Papers, 250–53. According to Schofield, Mechanism and Materialism, 106–111, the revival of Newton's aether theories was stimulated by an anonymous Examination of the Newtonian Argument for the Emptiness of Space and of the Resistance of Subtile Fluids (1740), the publication of the Newtonian documents mentioned in the text, and two pamphlets written by Bryan Robinson.Google Scholar

60. Newton, , Opticks, 376, 401.Google Scholar

61. Newton, , Opticks, 351.Google Scholar

62. Horne, George, A Pair, Candid, and Impartial State of the Case between Sir Isaac Newton and Mr Hutchinson (Oxford: printed at the Theatre for S. Parker, 1753), 26, 38–39;Google ScholarJones, , Memoirs, 39.Google Scholar

63. Horne, , State, 23, 57.Google Scholar

64. Both Horne and Jones refer to this interest (Horne, State, 3);Google ScholarJones, , An Essay on the First Principles of Natural Philosophy (Oxford: printed at the Clarendon Printing-House, 1762), 230.Google Scholar

65. Cohen, I. Bernard, Franklin and Newton (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1956), 384–85.Google Scholar

66. John Wesley attended one of these lectures on October 16,1747. Apparently he was asked to take part in a demonstration. Afterward he wrote in his journal: “Who can compre hend how fire lives in water and passes through it more freely than through air? How flame issues from my finger, real flame, such as sets fire to spirits of wine? How these and many more as strange phenomena arise from the turning round a glass globe?” Works of John Wesley, vol. 20, Journals and Diaries III, ed. Ward, W. R. and Heitzenrater, R. P. (Nashville: Abingdon, 1991), 195.Google ScholarThe ignition of “spirits of wine” refers to an experiment first performed by William Watson and reported by him to the Royal Society on October 24, 1745 (Cohen, Franklin, 394–95).Google Scholar

67. Martin, , An Essay on Electricity: Being an Enquiry into the Nature, Cause and Properties Thereof, On the Principles of Sir Isaac Newton's Theory of Vibrating Motion, Light and Fire; … with Some Observations (Bath: printed for the author and Leake, Frederick, Raches, Collins, and Newbury, 1746);Google Scholaridem, A Supplement: Containing Remarks on a Rhapsody of Adventures of a Modern Knight-Errant in Philosophy (Bath: printed for the author, etc., 1746);Google ScholarWilson, , Essay (London: printed for C. Davis and M. Cooper, 1746).Google Scholar

68. Newton, , Principia, 547. Home referred to this passage in his State of the Case, 64–65. In his final sentence, Newton described the spirit as “electric and elastic.”Google Scholar

69. Martin, , Supplement, 34, quoted by Cohen, Franklin, 415.Google Scholar

70. Wilson, , Essay, vi. For descriptions of Martin's ideas see Schofield, Mechanism and Materialism, 160–61; Cohen, Franklin, 294–96;Google ScholarHeilbron, J. L., Electricity in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), 294–96;Google Scholarfor Wilson, see Schofield, Mechanism and Materialism, 161–62;Google ScholarCohen, , Franklin, 417–24;Google ScholarHeilbron, , Electricity, 301–305.Google Scholar

71. Horne, , State, 65.Google Scholar

72. For accounts of the experiments that Jones performed, see his Essay, 129–34, 254–58.Google Scholar

73. Jones, , Essay, 259.Google Scholar

74. Jones, , Essay, 135.Google Scholar

75. For references to “electric fire,” see Jones, Essay, 25, 130, 134, 136.Google Scholar

76. Jones, , Essay, 182.Google Scholar