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Mission Delayed: The Russian Orthodox Church after the Conquest of Kazan'

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  17 February 2020

Matthew P. Romaniello
Matthew P. Romaniello*
Affiliation:
University of Hawaii at Manoa
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Extract

Muscovy's active period of eastward expansion began with the conquest of the Khanate of Kazan’ in 1552. By the seventeenth century, one observer claimed that the conquest of Kazan’ was the event that made Ivan IV a tsar and Muscovy an empire. With this victory, the tsar claimed new lands, adding to his subjects the diverse animistic and Muslim population of Turkic Tatars and Chuvashes, and Finno-Ugric Maris, Mordvins, and Udmurts. The conquest of Kazan’ provided both the Metropolitan of Moscow and Ivan IV (the Terrible) an opportunity to transform the image of Muscovy into that of a victorious Orthodox power and to justify the title of its Grand Prince as a new caesar (tsar). Since the conquest was the first Orthodox victory against Islam since the fall of Constantinople, commemorations of it were immediate, including the construction of the Church of the Intercession by the Moat (St. Basil's) on Red Square.

The incorporation of the lands and peoples of Kazan’ has served traditionally to date the establishment of the Russian Empire. Accounts of the conquest have emphasized the victory of Orthodoxy against Islam, with the Russian Orthodox Church and its Metropolitan as the motive force behind this expansion. The conversion of the Muslims and animists of the region is portrayed frequently as automatic, facing little resistance. More recently, scholars have criticized this simplistic account of the conquest by discussing the conversion mission as a rhetorical construct and have placed increasing emphasis on the local non-Russian and non-Orthodox resistance to the interests of the Church and state.

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 76 , Issue 3 , September 2007 , pp. 511 - 540
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 2007

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1. I thank Mack Holt, Paul Hibbeln, and Eve Levin for their comments and suggestions as well as M. A. Johnson and the Hilandar Research Library for their support.

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28. For example, “Nakaz,” 11. 3v. ob-4, 16 April 1613, copy from 1720, f. 16 Gosudarstvennyi arkhiv, op. 1, d. 709, RGADA.

29. This is similar to the conclusion reached by Freeze, Gregory L., “Handmaiden of the State? The Church in Imperial Russia Reconsidered,” journal of Ecclesiastical History 36:1 (1985) 82–102.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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32. This is particularly true for the territory first occupied by the Muscovite in the northwestern territory of the former Khanate: Geraklitov, A., Alatyrskaia Mordva po perepisiam 1624-1721 gg. (Saransk: Mordgiz, 1936);Google Scholar and Romaniello, “Controlling the Frontier.“

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35. Using monasteries as defensive protections was common in Muscovite history as was the case for Moscow itself, defended by six monasteries, which protected its southern and southeastern borders: French, R. A., “The Early and Medieval Russian Town, in Studies in Russian Historical Geography, ed. French, R. A. and Bater, James (London Academic, 1983), 2:261.Google Scholar

36. Arzamas's Troitse-Sergeevskii Monastery, for example, hired local peasants to complete masonry work on their walls following instructions from Moscow: Gramota 24 March 1630, f. 281, op. 1, d. 260, RGADA.

37. These arrangements were reviewed in a document sent to Metropolitan Germogen later in the sixteenth century: Gramota, d. 6432, 25 January 1595, f. 281, op. 4, RGADA.

38. Pokrovskii, I. M., “Bortnichestvo (pchelovodstvo), kak odin iz vidov natural'nag khoziaistva i promysla bliz Kazani v XVI-XVII vv,” Izvestiia obshchestva arkheologii, istorii i etnografii pri Imperatorskom Kazanskom universitete 17:2 (1901): 67–73.Google Scholar

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40. Metropolitan Matfeia, for example, received land in the Kazan’ district alon the coast of the Volga River during his tenure in office, in Gramota, 1618, f. 281, op. 4 d. 6452, RGADA.

41. Gramota, 12 April 1614, f. 281, op. 1, d. 246, RGADA.

42. Kuntsevich, G. Z., comp., “Gramoty Kazan'skogo Zilantova monastyria, Izvestiia obshchestva arkheologii, istorii, i etnografii pri Imperatorskom Kazanskom universitete 17 (1901): 294-98.Google Scholar

43. Arzamas's Nikolaevskii Convent, for example, had a priest to supervise the operation of its mill: Gramota, 1688, f. 281, op. 1, d. 317, RGADA.

44. The original grant was made on July 13, 1606; the increase was granted on Augus 3, 1613: Gramota 24, Dokumenty po istorii Kazanskogo kraia: Iz arkhivokhranilits Tatarskogo ASSR (vtoraia polovina XVI-seredina XVII): Teksty i komment, ed. I. P. Ermolaev an D. A. Mustafina (Kazan', Russia: Izdatel'stvo Kazanskogo universiteta, 1990), 60-62 Gramota 39, 11 March 1621, Dokumenty, ed. Ermolaev and Mustafina, 92-95.

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47. The petition was from Archpriest Trofim of the Voskresenskii Khrista Churc in Arzamas district: Gramota, 23 September 1657, f. 281, op. 1, d. 296, RGADA.

48. Gramota, 1 February 1639, Evgeniia Aleksovicha, Notariusa, Arkhiv Kievo-Nikolaevskago Novodevich'iago Monastyria (Alatyr', Russia: Arkhiv Kievo-Nikolaevskag Novodevich'iago Monastyria, 1997), 9–11.Google Scholar

49. This location was described in a cadaster (pistsovaia kniga) from 1565-68: N. L., Rubinshtein, ed., Istoriia Tatarii v dokumentakh i materialakh (Moscow: Gosudarstvenno sotsial'no-ekonomicheskoe izdatel'stvo, 1937), 234Google Scholar.

50. The records of Nikita Vasil'evich Borisov and Dmitrii Andreevich Kikin written between 1565 and 1568, described Kazan's Spaso-Preobrazhenskii Monastery’ courtyard with numerous secular and ecclesiastical merchants: Materialy po istorii Tatarskoi ASSR: Pistsovye knigi goroda Kazani 1565-68 gg. i 1646 g. (Leningrad: Izdatel'stv akademii nauk, 1932), 14, 32.

51. A. I., Iakovlev, ed., Saranskaia tamozhennaia kniga za 1692 g. (Saransk, Russia Mordovskoe gosudarstvennoe izdatel'stvo, 1951)Google Scholar.

52. Contracts signed by these monasteries and merchants prove the importanc of these courtyards. For example, the merchant Fedor Lukochnov syn Sibiriak signed a contract with the elder of Simbirsk's Troitse-Sergeevskii Monastery for space in its courtyard: Gramota, 9 June 1656, f. 281, op. 8, d. 11534, RGADA.

53. For example, Kazan's Spaso-Preobrazhenskii Monastery received a forcefu reminder to fulfill their tax obligations: Gramota, 18 May 1596, f. 281, op. 4, d. 6436 RGADA.

54. One trader, Andronik Elizarov, petitioned Arzamas's Troitse-Sergeevskii Monastery’ abbot for permission to sell goods in the monastery, and ultimately offered some land in the city as an exchange: Gramota, 1618-19, f. 281, op. 1, d. 249, RGADA The land exchange could even curb cash rents from the courtyard, as in Arzamas’ Troitse- Sergeevskii Monastery when its cellarer informed the abbot that instead of the expected 30 rubles from this year's rents, there would only be 16 rubles followe by another 16 rubles in the subsequent two years: Gramota, 16 March 1632, f. 281, op. 1, d. 270, RGADA.

55. This information was included in a charter sent to Kazan's governor. An ocean-goin boat (plavnyi lodok) paid two dengi, while a small fishing boat (botik) paid only on dengi: Gramota, 26 February 1662, Istoriia Tatarii v dokumentakh i materialakh, ed. Rubinshtein 156. These rights had been granted as early as 1585, when Kazan's governor instructe the Zilantov Monastery of its responsibilities for merchants transporting salt an fish from Astrakhan to the north: Gramota 323,22 July 1585, Arkhiv P. M. Stroeva, Russkai istoricheskaia biblioteka 32 (Petrograd: Arkheograficheskaia kommissiia, 1915), 1:626 29.

56. The monastery became the toll collector for trade between Kazan’ and Saransk Gramota, 1686, f. 281, op. 7, d. 10828, RGADA.

57. One group of Tatars from Sviiazhsk, for example, was required to pay 200 ruble in advance: Gramota 65, 13 June 1644, Dokumenty, ed. Ermolaev and Mustafina, 143-45

58. During the Time of Troubles, a confirmation of fishing rights was given t the monastery over its villages for those rivers: Gramota, 21 March 1608, f. 281, op 1, d. 243, RGADA. Another confirmation followed because the villages’ refusal t pay followed: Gramota, 6 May 1608, f. 281, op. 1, d. 244, RGADA. However, after the Time of Troubles the monastery's fishing rights were restricted to only Russian peasant living in its villages: Gramota, 27 March 1614, f. 281, op. 1, d. 245, RGADA.

59. Information taken from I., Pokrovskii, “K istorii Kazanskikh monastyrei do 1764 goda, Izvestiia obshchestva arkheologii, istorii i etnografii pri Imperatorskom Kazanskom universitet 18 (1902): 16–22Google Scholar. Pokrovskii gathered the information from the census of 164 in Kazan’ district. He did not include complete information from the census. For Kazan’ Spaso-Preobrazhenskii Monastery, he only included the names of the monastery’ twenty-nine villages, but did include the seventeen households the monastery owne in the city.

60. Gramota 1, 16 May 1555, Dokumenty, ed. Ermolaev and Mustafina, 28-29 Episkop, Nikaron, ed., “Vladennyia gramaty Kazanskago Spasopreobrazhenskago monastyria, Izvestiia obshchestva arkheologii, istorii, i etnografii pri Imperatorskom Kazanskom universitet 11 (1893): 357Google Scholar. Kazan's Zilantov-Uspenskii Monastery had similar authority Kuntsevich, “Gramoty Kazanskogo Zilantova monastyria,” 272-74.

61. Gramota, September 1629, f. 281, op. 1, d. 262, RGADA.

62. Gramota, 19 April 1630, f. 281, op. 1, d. 264, RGADA.

63. Gramota, 27 February 1633, f. 281, op. 1, d. 276, RGADA.

64. A long-term example of this is the fourteen petitions compiled from Arzamas’s Troitse-Sergeevskii Monastery on behalf one of their Mordvin villages: Gramota [1631-93], f. 281, op. 1, d. 277, ll. 1-30, RGADA.

65. Kuntsevich, “Gramoty Kazanskogo Zilantova monastyria,” 279-81.

66. Vladmirskii, A., ed., Tserkovniia drevnosti g. Kazani (Kazan', Russia: Universitet Tipografiia, 1887), 21–28.Google Scholar

67. Malov, Kazanskii Bogoroditskii devich’ monastyr', 3.

68. Ibid., 36-38; Jaroslaw Pelenski, Russia and Kazan, 272-7A.

69. Canonization created a boom in publications about Germogen, including several biographies such as Cherkashin, E., Patriarkh Germogen: K 300 letiiu so dnia smerti 1612-1912 (Moscow: Tipografiia Pochaevo-Uspenskoi Lavry, 1912)Google Scholar; and Borin, Vasilii, Sviatieishii Patriarkh Germogen i mesto ego zakliucheniia (Moscow: Izdanie tserkovno-arkheograficheskago otdela, 1913).Google Scholar This history of Germogen's canonization ha most recently been discussed in Freeze, Gregory L., “Subversive Piety: Religion and Political Crisis in Late Imperial Russia,” Journal of Modern History 68:2 (1996): 308–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

70. Germogen wrote “Gurii and Varsonofii” either in 1596 or 1597, and he might have written the original version of the “Tale of the Appearance” after its discovery in 1579, but edited the final version of the tale in 1594 or 1595: Kliuchevskii, V. O., Drevnerusskii zhitiia sviiatykh kak istoricheskii istochnik (Moscow: Tipografiia Gracheva, 1871), 305Google Scholar; Pelenski, Russia and Kazan, 269-75; Skrynnikov, R. G., Gosudarstvo i tserkov’ na Rusi X1V-XVI vv. (Novosibirsk, Russia: Nauka, 1991), 248–50Google Scholar; and Bushkovitch, Paul, Religion and Society in Russia: The Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 87–88, 108-10, and 214-15.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

71. In an official history of German's monastery, his focus was to establish the physical structures of the monastery: Iablokov, A., Pervoklassnyi muzhskii Uspensko-Bogoroditsii monastyr v gorode Sviiazhske, Kazanskoi gubernii (Kazan', Russia: Tipo-litografii Imperatorskogo universiteta, 1907), 3–31.Google Scholar

72. “Life of Gurii and Varsonofii,” ff. 170r.-171v. Also see Golubinskii, E., Istoriia kanonizatsii sviatykh v Russkoi tserkvi (Moscow: Universitetskaia tipografiia, 1903) 118–19.Google Scholar Golubinskii adds that the relics of both Gurii and Varsonofii were moved from the monastery to a new stone cathedral in Kazan’ on October 4, 1595.

73. “Life of Gurii and Varsonofii,” ff. 175v.-197r., Bushkovitch, Religion and Society, 108-9.

74. “Tale of the Appearance of the Kazan’ Icon of the Mother of God with Service and Miracles,” ff. 21-23, first half of the seventeenth century, SGU 1756, Saratov State Library; available on microfilm at the Hilandar Research Library, Columbus, Ohio.

75. While the early seventeenth century manuscript version of the “Tale” used here has fourteen miracles, later printed versions included in Germogen's complete work contain sixteen. Three of the earlier fourteen miracles were not included in either of the printed versions: Tvoreniia svateishago Germogena patriarkha Moskovskagoi vseia Rossii (Moscow: Pechatnaia, A. I. Snegirevoi, 1912), 1–34.Google Scholar

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77. During Germogen's tenure as metropolitan, the Bogoroditsii Convent received two new stone churches, and new icons, books, and vestments for services: Malov, Kazanskii Bogoroditskii devich’ monastyr', 3—4.

78. PSRL, 14, 132-33. For a discussion, see Pelenski, Russia and Kazan, 273.

79. Tokmakov, I. F., comp., Istoriko-statisticheskoe i arkheologicheskoe opisanie Sviato-Troitskogo muzhskogo monastyria v gorode Alatyre, Simbirskogo gubernii (Moscow: Pechatnia A. I. Snegirevoi, 1897), 10–16Google Scholar; and Chetyrkin, I. N., ed., Istoriko-Statisticheskoe opisanie Arzamasskoi Alekseevskoi zhenskoi obshchiny (Nizhnii Novgorod, Russia: Tipografii Nizhegorodskogo Gubernskogo Pravleniia, 1887), 7Google Scholar. More examples are not har to find. Mikhail Fedorovich gave four courtyards in Kazan’ to the Bogoroditskii Devichii Convent in 1623 for a new building to house the Mother of God icon: Gramota 29 October 1623, f. 281, op. 4, d. 6456, RGADA. The Spaso-Preobrazhenskii Monaster received new land as military service lands (pomest'e) in 1638 to provide fo another new church to house the icon: Gramota, 16 April 1638, f. 281, op. 4, d. 6470, RGADA.

80. In a letter to Metropolitan Ioasaf of Kazan’ concerning the construction o a new cathedral for the Kazan’ Mother of God Icon, thanks are given to “Gurii, Varsonofii and German, Kazan's miracle-workers“: Gramota 380, 12 August 1678, Akty iuridicheskie, Hi sobranie form starinnago deloproizvozstva (St. Petersburg: Tipografiia i otdeleniia sobstvennoi E. I. V. Kantseliarii, 1838), 400-401.

81. Gramota 358, 18 July 1595, Akty, sobrannye v bibliotekakh i arkhivakh Rossiiskoi imperil arkheograficheskoio ekspeditsieiu imperatorskoi akademii nauk (St. Petersburg: Tipografii i otdeleniia sobstvennoi E. I. V. Kantseliarii, 1856), 1:436-39.

82. Gramota 823, 21 May 1680, Polnoe sobranie zakonov Russiiskoi Imperii (hereafte PS7.) (St. Petersburg: Tipografiia i otdelenie sobstvennoi ego Imperatorskogo Velichestv Kontseliariia, 1830), 2:267; Gramota 867, 16 May 1681, PSZ, 2:312-13; and Gramot 870, 24 May 1681, PSZ, 2:315.

83. A., Mozharovskii, “Po istorii prosveshcheniia,” 664-74Google Scholar.

84. C. Bickford, O'Brien, Muscovy and Ukraine: From the Pereiaslavl Agreement to the Truce of Andrusovo, 1654-1667 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963)Google Scholar; Denis J B., Shaw, “Southern Frontiers of Muscovy, 1550-1700,” in Studies in Russian Historical Geography, ed. J. H., Bater and R. A., French (London: Academic, 1983), 1:117-42Google Scholar; and Caro Belkin, Stevens, Soldiers on the Steppe: Army Reform and Social Change in Early Modern Russia (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1995)Google Scholar.

85. Paul, Avrich, Russian Rebels 1600-1800 (New York: W. W. Norton, 1972), 50–122Google ScholarJames Gerard, Hart, “The Urban and Rural Response to Stepan Razin's Rebellio in the Middle Volga Region of Muscovy, 1670-1671” (Ph.D. diss.: University of Virginia 1981)Google Scholar.

86. For a general discussion of the Russian Schism and Old Believers, see L. E., Ankudi nova, “Sotsial'nyi sostav pervykh raskol'nikov,” Vestnik Leningradskogo universiteta: Seriia istorii, iazykii literatury 14 (1956): 54–68Google Scholar; Sergei, Zenkovskii, Russkoe staroobriadchestvo: Dukhovnye dvizheniia semnadtsatogo veka (Munich: W. Fink, 1970)Google Scholar; Nickola, Lupinin, Religious Revolt in the XVIIth Century: The Schism of the Russian Church (Princeton, N.J.: Kingston, 1984)Google Scholar; V. S., Rumiantseva, Narodnoe antitserkovnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v XVII veke (Moscow: Nauka, 1986)Google Scholar; Georg Berhard, Michels, At War with the Church: Religious Dissent in Seventeenth Century Russia (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 2000)Google Scholar.

87. Gramota, 24 May 1681, PSZ, 2: 315; Gramota, 23 September 1682, PSZ, 2:67-68.

88. Gramota, no later than 12 October 1675, f. 159, Prikaznye dela novoi razborki, op. 3 Novgorodskii prikaz, d. 448, 11. 25-28, RGADA. 89. Gramota 208, 16 November 1687, Dokumenty i material]/ po istorii Mordovskoi ASSR, ed. D. Grekov and others (Saransk, Russia: Mordovskoi nauchno-issledovatel'skii institut, 1940), 2:72. This conclusion agrees with Georg Michels, who has recently demonstrate that after the Russian Church schism, Church officials actively pursued the retur of Old Believers, but ignored the continuing presence of non-Orthodox believers Michels, “Rescuing the Orthodox.“

90. While the precise amount of the financial incentives varied, during Peter th Great's reign some standards were established. For example, in Siberia Ostiaks and Tatar who converted to Orthodoxy were to be provided a new shirt, some tribute (iasak), and select privileges from the regional governors: Gramota, 6 December 1711, PSZ, 5:133.

91. F. G., Islaev, Pravoslavnye missionery v Povolzh'e (Kazan', Russia: Tatarskoe knizhno izdatel'stvo, 1999)Google Scholar; and Paul W., Werth, “Coercion and Conversion: Violence an Mass Baptism of the Volga Peoples, 1740-55,” Kritika 4:3 (2003): 543-69.Google Scholar