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Pilgrims and Progress: How Magazines Made Thanksgiving
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 28 July 2009
Extract
William Bradford wrote, at the beginning of his history Of Plymouth Plantation, “I must begin at the very root and rise” of the story, setting events down “in a plain style, with singular regard unto the simple truth in all things.” He intended to produce an accurate and clear account of the way the Plymouth settlers' lives unfolded. Readers after postmodernism may note with skepticism the governor's claim that his portrayal set down only the perfectly discoverable truth of the matter. Yet certain sparely depicted moments in his history lead us to accept the description “the simple truth” as the only one appropriate to his work.
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References
1. Bradford, William, Of Plymouth Plantation, 1620–1647, ed. Morison, Samuel Eliot (New York: Knopf, 1952), 3.Google Scholar
2. Ibid., 90.
3. Ibid. The celebration, as Morison noted (90 n. 8), was more fully described in a letter of Edward Winslow's, included in a collection of extracts from Winslow's and William Bradford's journals known as Mourt's Relation, by the otherwise unknown author of its preface, Mourt, G. (Bradford, , Of Plymouth Plantation, 64 n. 2).Google Scholar
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16. It has been suggested to me that the religious press might have played at least as great a role in promoting Thanksgiving as did the popular “secular” periodicals treated here. My sense is that although the aggregate circulation of denominational and religious publications might have rivaled that of the “secular” periodicals I discuss here, the reach of any single religious magazine fell far short of a Godey's or a Ladies' Home Journal. In addition, it seems that these religious periodicals were largely concerned with intradenominational matters—polity, theology, missions—and that before the Civil War, if attention fell on extraecclesial subjects, such attention focused on the question of slavery. See John, Tebbel and Zuckerman, Mary Ellen, The Magazine in America, 1741–1990 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), 86Google Scholar. Also Mott, Frank Luther, A History of American Magazines (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1938), 2: 60–78; and 3: 63–89.Google Scholar
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18. Ibid., 132.
19. Cf. Rom. 11:22.
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24. Ibid., 26, 21.
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26. Ibid., 23, 42–43.
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31. Ibid., 3: 6, qualifies the accuracy of circulation figures for publications from the era before circulation audits. He explains that publishers carefully guarded and even fudged their figures for the sake of boosting advertising revenue. Nevertheless, he estimates circulation for most of the nine publications I examined for this essay. He does not mention Chambers's Journal in any volume of his history. The Chautauquan, published from 1880 until 1914 for men and women enrolled in the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle, enjoyed “wide circulation” by 1885, when more than 20,000 people each year enrolled in the CLSC (3: 173, 544). The Cosmopolitan began publication in 1886; between 1892 and 1898, its circulation grew from 100,000 to 300,000 (4: 480 n. 1, 484). Harper's New Monthly Magazine, which originated in 1850, had more than 100,000 subscribers during the 1870s and reigned as one of the “leaders in the field of national illustrated monthlies” during the period of 1885–1905 (2: 383 n. 1; 3: 6; 4: 43). Mott gives no specific figures about Littell's Living Age but notes that the years 1865 until 1885 were the magazine's best (3: 256). Mott is silent also on figures for the Magazine of American History, published from 1877–1917, but suggests that the numbers were impressive when he observes that Martha J. Lamb bought the magazine in 1883 and “made it a paying venture for the ensuing ten years” (3: 260). The more specialized sporting magazine Outing, which ran from 1882 until 1923, built a circulation of around 20,000 subscribers by 1886, around 90,000 a decade later, and a little more than 100,000 during the period 1905–10. My thanks to Gina Petrie, E. H. Little Library, Davidson College, for her assistance with circulation figures.
32. On the shift in late-nineteenth-century myths of Thanksgiving's origins, see Siskind, , “Invention of Thanksgiving,” 181–85Google Scholar. “Editor's Table,” Godey's Lady's Book, November 1897, 559–60, gave a historical, pre-U.S. picture of thanksgiving traditions.Google Scholar
33. Hambrick-Stowe, , Practice of Piety, 102, citing Luke 10:2, Rev. 14:15–16, and Rom. 8:23.Google Scholar
34. Sarah, Hale, “Editor's Table: Our National Thanksgiving Day, the pledge of American Union forever,” Godey's Lady's Book, 11 1865, 445. She repeated this debt to the Pilgrim Fathers in “Editor's Table” columns from November, 1865, 1870, and 1873.Google Scholar
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38. Ibid., November 1865, 445.
39. Ibid., November 1864, 440.
40. Ibid., November 1867, 447.
41. Ibid., November 1876, 473.
42. Ibid., November 1870, 470.
43. Ibid.
44. Ibid., November, 1871, 471, for a typical appeal that Thanksgiving be “assured to us by law.” Hale made similar public requests every year until her retirement in 1877.
45. Sarah, Hale, “Editor's Table,” Godey's Lady's Book and Magazine, 11 1873, 471.Google Scholar
46. Ibid., November 1876, 473.
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50. Susan, Coolidge, “Thanksgiving Surprise,” Ladies Home Journal, 11 1890, 3.Google Scholar
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52. Cameron, Anna Alexander, “Some Thanksgiving Dishes for Harvest Tables, from Maine to Texas,” Ladies' Home Journal, 11 1890, 21.Google Scholar
53. MrsRorer, S. T., “A Thanksgiving Dinner,” Ladies' Home Journal, 11 1890, 20.Google Scholar
54. “Shooting the Thanksgiving Turkey,” Godey's Lady's Book and Magazine, November 1879, 1 (illustration)Google Scholar; Armstrong, W. H., “A Thanksgiving Shooting Trip,” Outing, 11 1898, 121–22Google Scholar; Hallowell, Florence B., “Linda's Responsibility,” Ladies' Home Journal and Practical Housekeeper, 11 1889, 6.Google Scholar
55. For example, , S. G. B., “Thanksgiving,” Godey's Lady's Book and Magazine, 11 1863, 429–32Google Scholar; Frost, S. Annie, “Effie's Thanksgiving,” Godey's Lady's Book and Magazine, 11 1871, 428–32Google Scholar; and Augusta de, Bubna, “Number Seventy-nine: A Thanksgiving Romance,” Godey's Lady's Book and Magazine, 11 1878, 389–91.Google Scholar
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58. Ibid., November 1864, 440. For fiction highlighting Thanksgiving charity, see Brander, Matthews, “A Thanksgiving Dinner,” Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 12 1893, 28–34Google Scholar; Portor, Laura Spencer, “The Yielding of Hezekiah Craddock: A Thanksgiving Story,” Godey's Magazine, 11 1897, 451–61Google Scholar; Douglas, Letitia Virginia, “Carlo's Thanksgiving,” Godey's Lady's Book, 11 1890, 417–18.Google Scholar
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70. Bailyn, and others, Great Republic, 425, 429 (on “invisible hand”), and 431. See Lamb, “One New England Thanksgiving,” 514; her childhood Thanksgiving remembrance includes the recounting of her aged host's “mental nourishment and encouragement” to his young guests: “he taught us other things worth knowing, as, for instance, that man is equal to his aspirations and can obtain whatever he labors for.”Google Scholar
71. Rev. Talmage, T. DeWitt, , D. D., “Under My Study Lamp,” Ladies' Home Journal and Practical Housekeeper, 11 1890, 13.Google Scholar
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74. My thinking here is informed by Joel, Kovel, White Racism: A Psychohistory (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984).Google Scholar
75. Norton, Charles Ledyard, “Thanksgiving Day, Past and Present,” Magazine of American History, 12 1885, 561.Google Scholar
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