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Pontius of Cluny, the Curia Romana and the End of Gregorianism in Rome

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 July 2009

Hayden V. White
Hayden V. White
Affiliation:
University of Rochester
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Extract

Scholarly opinion is generally agreed that the order of Cluny reached its apogee during the abbacy of St. Hugh, who ruled from 1049 to 1109, and began its decline as a result of the misrule of his successor, Pontius of Melgueil, abbot from 1109 to 1122. The rule of Pontius' successor, Peter the Venerable (1122–1157), is generally regarded as an attempt to realize two aims: justification of Cluniac monasticism before the criticism of St. Bernard of Clairvaux and reparation of the damage done to the spiritual life at Cluny by Pontius. It is the purpose of this article to subject the accepted view of Pontius' career to scrutiny and to present an alternative interpretation of the known facts. This alternative view will be based upon the demonstration that the available evidence concerning Pontius' disgrace and condemnation can be properly understood only if it is set into the context of events which transpired in the Roman Curia from 1112 to 1130.3

Type
Research Article
Information
Church History , Volume 27 , Issue 3 , September 1958 , pp. 195 - 219
Copyright
Copyright © American Society of Church History 1958

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References

1. Fliche, in one of the latest accounts of the subject, writes: “L'ordre a eu de la peine à se remettre de la crise qui avait suivi la mort de saint Hugues et dont l'abbé Pons de Melgueil (1109–1122) est, pour une large part, responsable.” A Fliche, Foreville, R. and Jousset, J., Du premier Concile du Latran à l'avènement d'Innocent III (1123–1198)Google Scholar, volume IX of Histoire de l'Englise depuis les origines jusqu'à nos jours, edited by Fliche, A. and Martin, V. (Paris, 1948), 114–15Google Scholar. For an account of Cluny under St. Hugh, see volume VIII of the same series, Fliche, A., La Réforme grégorienne et la Reconquête chrétienne (Paris, 1950), 427–45Google Scholar. Literature on the Cluniac movement is cited in Ibid., 427, n. 2, but see especially Berliere, U., L'order monastique des origines au XIIe siècle (Paris, 1924), 251ff.Google Scholar; Smith, L. M., Cluny in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (London, 1930), 237 ff.Google Scholar; Evans, J., Monastic Life at Cluny 910–1157 (London, 1931), 35ff.Google Scholar; Chagny, A., Cluny et son empire (Lyon-Paris, 1949), 255 ffGoogle Scholar., and finally the general histories of De Valous, G., Le monachisme clunisien des origines au XVe siècle (3 vols., Paris, 1935)Google Scholar, and Sackur, Ernst, Die Cluniacenser (2 vols., Halle, 1892–1894).Google Scholar

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3. The basic research on the history of the Curia during this period was done by Jordan, K., “Die Entstehung der römischen Kurie,” ZRG, KA, XXVII, (1939), 105ffGoogle Scholar., and Klewitz, H. W., in two important articles: “Die Entstehung des Kardinalkollegiums,” ZRG, KA, XXIV (1936), 115–221Google Scholar, and “Das Ende des Reformpapsttums,” DA, III (1939), 371–412.Google Scholar

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21. Ordericus Vitalis, 844.

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28. By the time of Paschal's succession, the cardinals had won the right of subscribing, that is, of appending their approval to papal acts. Yet from the year 1106, the year in which Paschal opened his campaign to settle the investiture struggle in his ownterms, and 1112, the year in which the curia forced him to renounce his program, there exist no subscriptiones appended. on the rights of the cardinals via-à-vis the popes during the reign of Urban II and Paschal II, see Ullmann, W., The Growth of Papal Government in the Middle Ages: A Study in the Ideological Relation of Clerical to Lay Power (London, 1955), 319–25Google Scholar. On the cardinalate subscriptiones, see “Die Unterschriften der Päpste und Kardinäle in den “Bullae maiores” vom 11. bis 14. Jahrhundert,” Miscellanea Fr. Ehrle (Roma, 1924), 185–86.Google Scholar

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30. MGH, Const., I, 145.Google Scholar

31. This is the justification given in the “Relatio Registri Paschalis II,” MGH, Const., I, 149.Google Scholar

32. This is the underlying idea of the first important canon law collection of the reform movement, the Diversorum Sententiae Patrum of Humbert of Silva Candida, a work which set the type upon which most subsequent collections were modelled. The work is analyzed in Fournier, P., “Le premier manuel canonique de la réforme du XIe siècle,” Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire, XIV (1894), 147–223CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and in Michel, A., Die sentenzen des Kardinals Humbert, das erste Rechtsbuch der päpstliche Reform, volume VII of Schriften des Reichsinstitut für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde (Monumenta Germaniae Historica) (Stuttgart, 1943), 31–70Google Scholar. For a further discussion of Humbert's ideas, see Michel, A., “Die Anfänge des Kardinals Humbert bei Bischof Bruno von Toul (Leo XI),” Studi Gregoriani, III (1948), 299–319Google Scholar, and Michel, A., “Die folgenschweren Ideen des Kardinals Humbert und ihr Einfluss auf Gregors VII,” Studi Gregoriani, I (1946), 65–92Google Scholar, as well as Ullmann, , Growth of Papal Government, 265–71Google Scholar, and idem., “Cardinal Humbert and the Ecclesia Romana,” studi Gregoriani, VI (1952), 111–27Google Scholar. The influence of Humbert on later canonical collections in the pre-Gratian period is developed in Michel, , Sentenzen, 166–ff.Google Scholar

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36. See Kuttner, , “Cardinalis,” 174ffGoogle Scholar., and Klewitz, , “Entstehung” 166ffGoogle Scholar. The canonical collections of Anselm of Lucca and Cardinal Deusdedit both contain the reservation on papal power and the idea of cardinalate participation in that power given by Humbert. See Thaner, F., ed., Anselmi collectio Canonum una cum collectione minore (Oeniponte, 1906), xii. 12, pp. 272–73Google Scholar, and Von Glanvell, V. E., ed., Die Kanonsammlung des Kardinals Deusdedit (Paderborn, 1905), 267–68.Google Scholar

37. See the discussion of the “Descriptio Sanctuarii Lateranensis Ecclesiae,” Bib. Vat., Reg. MSS, 712, 89v, quoted in Klewitz, “Entstehung,” 119.

38. On the Gregorian radicals, see Dempf, A., Sacrum Imperium: Geschichte und Staatsphilosophie des Mittelalters und der politischen Renaissance (München-Berlin, 1929), 219ff.Google Scholar; Klewitz, , “Entstehung,” 216ff.Google Scholar; Hefeleleclercq, , “Entstehung,” 532–34Google Scholar; Fliche, , Laréforme grégorienne, 370ff.Google Scholar; Robert, U., Histoire du pape Calixte II (Paris, 1891), 8–19, 29–44Google Scholar, and Gigalski, B., Bruno von Segni, 1049–1123: Sein Leben und seine schriften (Münster, 1898), 82ff.Google Scholar

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42. “Debeo igitur diligere te, sed plus debeo diligere illum, qui et te fecit, et me.” Ibid., 564.

43. See the letters of John of Tusculo and Leo of Ostia in P.L., 143:290, and Placidus, of Nonantola's, “Liber and Honore Ecclesiae,” MGH, Lib., II, 637–38.Google Scholar

44. The document is in Duchesne, L., Le Liber Censum de l'Église Romaine (Paris, 1910), II, 136.Google Scholar

45. On the proposed synod at Anse, see Hefele-Leclercq, , Histoire, 531.Google Scholar

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48. On the synod of Vienne, see HefeleLeclercq, , Histoire, 533Google Scholar. The document sent by the French radicals to Paschal for approval is published in Duchesne, , Liber Censum, II, 136.Google Scholar

49. Hefele-Leclercq, , Histoire, 537Google Scholar, and Gigalski, , Bruno von Segni, 96ffGoogle Scholar. Paschal ruled that henceforth no cleric might occupy a major abbacy and a bishopric at the same time. As a result of this ruling, Bruno of Segni resigned his abbacy of Monte Cassino. See Peter the Deacon, “Chron. Cass.,” MGH, SS, VII, 783.Google Scholar

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55. Mansi, XXI, 270.

56. Ibid., 268, which cites Calixitus' ruling that monks may not visit the sick, publicly celebrate mass, or administer extreme unction. This was in keeping with the sacerdotal orientation of the reform from its earliest days. See Tellenbach, , Church, State and Christian Society, 47Google Scholar, and Königer, A., Burkhard von Worms und die deutsche Kirche seiner Zeit (München, 1905), 112ffGoogle Scholar. Also Dereine, C., in his “La probleme de la vie canonial chez les canonistes d'Anselme de Lucques à Gratien,” Studi Gregoriani, III (1948), 287–98Google Scholar, comments on the conflict between secular and regular clergy during the Gregorian period. On Cluny's position under Calixtus, see Smith, 256–65; on Monte Cassino, see Klewitz, H. W., “Monte Cassino und Rom,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken, XXXVIII (1937–1938), 36–47.Google Scholar

57. “Vita Norberti,” P.L., 170:1284–86.

58. Pandolf, of Pisa, , “Vita Calixti,” in March, Lib. Pont. Dert., 195Google Scholar. See also Ladner, G., “I mosaici e gliaffreschi ecclesiastico-politici nell' antico Palazzo Lateranense,” Rivista dell'archeologia Christiana, XII (1935), 270–79Google Scholar, and Armellini, M., Le chiese di Roma dal secolo IV al XIX (Roma, 1942), II, 737–40Google Scholar. St. Bernard's ideas on church ornamentation and decoration are developed in his Apologia, P.L., 182: 911–16. For a discussion of this document, see Weisbach, W., Religiöse Reform und mittelälterliche Kunst (Zurich, 1945). 67ff.Google Scholar

59. It is interesting to note that in all of St. Bernard's writings there is not a single mention of Gregory VII, a fact which might indicate a certain antipathy to Gregory's ideals. Fliche, Yet, Du premier concile du Latran, 23Google Scholar; Ullmann, , Growth of Papal Government, 413ffGoogle Scholar., and Williams, , St. Bernard, 249Google Scholar, all maintain that St. Bernard's ideals are a direct extension of those which dominated the great reforming pope. It is my conviction that St. Bernard was directly opposed to Gregorian ideals as those ideals were represented by the last generation of the Gregorian movement, that is, by the Gregorians in the Curia. It will be recalled that in the imperial propaganda of the time—a propaganda which had its strength in the monasteries—Gregory VII was consistently protrayed as “falsus monachus,” perpetrator of the war between Church and State, and pervertor of monasticism itself. There is no reason to assume that Bernard was critical of this tradition; in fact, his attack against a Curia which styled itself Gregory's heir would seem to indicate the opposite. On the imperial picture of Gregory, VII, see “Liber de Unitate Ecclesiae Conservanda,” MGH, Lib., II, 214, 274–76Google Scholar; Guido, of Ferrara, , “De Schismate Hildebrandi,” MGH, Lib., I, 535Google Scholar; Crassus, Peter, “Defensio Heinrici Regis,” MGH, Lib., I, 434–450.Google Scholar

60. Bernard, St., Ep. I, P.L., 182:73–74Google Scholar. On the nature of the letter itself, see A. H. Bredero, “The Controversy between Peter the Venerable and St. Bernard,” 60, n. 24.

61. “Quomodo ergo vel abbatis iussio, vel Papae permissio licitum valuit quod purum (sicut irrefutabiliter probatum est) malum fuit, cum superius nihilominus allegatum sit, ea quae huiuscemodi sunt, id est pura mala, ut nunquam iuste iuberi, sic nec licite fieri?” Bernard, , Ep. VII, P.L., 182:98–9Google Scholar. See also Ep. IV, P.L., 182:89–91, 94–95.Google Scholar

62. For example, Bernard had written to Innocent II on one occasion: “Quis mihi faciet justitiam de vobis? Si haberem ad quem vos trahere possem, jam nunc ostenderem vobis (ut perturiens loquor) quid meremini. Exstat quidem tribunal Christi: sed absit ut ad illud appellem vos, quiillic (si vobis necessarium, et mihi possibile esset) vellem magis totis viribus stare, et respondere pro vobis.” Bernard, , Ep. CCXIII, P.L., 182:378.Google Scholar

63. In the De Consideratione Bernard argued that the union of exalted rank with a base spirit was a monstrosity, as was the joining together of the supreme seat with the lowest life, and added: “Quid si summus pontifex sis? Numquid quia summus pontifex, ideo summus? Infimium noris esse, si summum putas. Quis summus? Cui addi non possit. Graviter erras, si te illum existimes. Absit. Non tu de illis es qui dignitates virtutes putant.” P.L., 182:750Google Scholar. The De Consideratione was written to Eugenius III in order “to please, to edify and to console” him. Its aim is to translate monastic-ascetic ideals into terms suitable for the direction of the entire Church. But Bernard's relation to Eugenius was that of friend and teacher to pupil. Earlier popes he had chastised with a heavier hand. In 1130, for example, he had effected the victory of Innocent II over the anti-pope Anacletus II, even though Anacletus' election was supported by a majority of the College of Cardinals. See his well intentioned but specious arguments on behalf of Innocent in his Ep. CXXVI, P.L., 276–80. In 1139 he criticized the episcopacy and the Roman Curia again. See Ep. CLXXVIII, P.L., 182:340Google Scholar; Ep. CXCIII, Ibid., 359; CCCXXXVII, Ibid., 541. See finally the remarks of Heer, F., Aufgang Europas: Eine Studie zu dem Zusammenhängen zwischen politischer Religiösität, Frömmigkeitsstil und dem Werden Europas im 12. Jahrhundert (Wien-Zurich, 1949), 197ff.Google Scholar

64. “Veniet, veniet qui male indicata reiudicabit, illicite iurata confutabit; qui faciet iudicium iniuriam patientibus, qui iudicabit in iustitia paupere, et arguet in aequitate pro mansuetisterrae … Veniet, inquam, veniet dies iudicii: ubi plus valebunt pura corda, quam astuta verba; et conscientia bona, quam marsupia plena: quandoquidem Iudex ille nec falleture verbis, nec flectetur donis. Tuum, Domine Iesu, tribunal appello: tuo me iudicio servo, tibi committo causam meam, Domine Deus sabaoth, qui iudicas iuste, et probas renes et corda; cuius oculi sicut fallere nolunt, ita falli non possunt; tu vides qui tua, vides qui quaerunt et sua.” Bernard, Ep. I, P.L., 182:74.Google Scholar

65. That Bernard considered curialism, the Anacletan schism and the philosophic movement of which Abelard was leader as having been cut from the same cloth can be seen from references made to them in his letters. For example, Abelard and the Curia are identified in Ep. CXCIII, P.L., 182:559–60Google Scholar; Abelard is connected with the decline of monasticism in Ep. CCCXXXI, Ibid., 359–360; and finally, Abelard is identified with the cause of Anacletus II, the leader of the old guard in the Curia, in Ep. CLXXXIX, Ibid., 354.

66. Ordericus Vitalis, 879.

67. Ibid., 894.

68. On the revolutionary character of Cistercian theories of institutional organization of all kinds, see Schreiber, G., Kurie und Kloster im 12. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1910), I, 297–303Google Scholar; Hallinger, K., Gorz-Kluny: Studien zu den monastischen Lebens formen und Gegensätzen in hoch Mittelater (Roma, 1952), II, 738Google Scholar; Hampe, , Hochmittelalter, 180Google Scholar, and Mahn, J. P., L'ordre cistercien et son gouvernement des origines au milieu du XIIe siècle (Paris, 1945), 178–86.Google Scholar

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80. Ibid., 923.

81. Ordericus Vitalis, 934ff.

82. Peter the Venerable, 925.

83. Ordericus Vitalis, 895.

84. Peter the Venerable, 924.

85. Pandolf of Pisa, “Vita Honorii,” in Marsh, , Liber Pont. Dert., 204Google Scholar. See also the definitive study by Klewitz, , “Das Ende des Reformpapsttums,” 371–403.Google Scholar

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103. Ibid.

104. “Surgit statim auditis partibus papa, et tota Romana curia sibi adjuncta, ad rem examinandam in partem secedit.” Peter the Venerable, 925; Honorius, II, Ep. XLVIII, P.L., 166: 1267.Google Scholar

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